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C.S.I., CLE., I.CS. 






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C.S.I., C.I.E., I.C.S. 







London, William ffeinemann, 191« 







When the important part played by the Province of 
Kathiawad in the history of the Rajputs and of Western 
India is borne in mind, it is extraordinary how Uttle has 
been written on the subject. In ,the present work we 
have an attempt to bring within the covers of one book a 
synoptic view of the history of Kathiawad from pre- 
historic times down to the present day. Captain Wilber- 
force-Bell, the author, has evidently used to good purpose 
the very little spare time which falls to the lot of political 
officers serving in the province, and the pages of his book 
bear testimony to a very considerable amount of research 
work on his part as well as to a capacity for bringing 
together events in such a manner as to -present, as far as 
possible, a consecutive story of the diverse races which 
from time to time have entered and either passed through, 
or settled in, this interesting peninsula. 

The geographical position of Kathiawad accounts for 
the circumstance that, with the exception of the Punjab, 
it has been the most frequented thoroughfare into India 
of India's early invaders. Scythians, Greeks, Rajputs 
and Mahomedans have utilized this Western promon- 
tory of India as the doorway to the promised land. If 
early historians may be believed, some of these invaders 
settled contentedly in what were then the rich plains 
of the province, while others passed on their way into 
the heart of India or retreated, after devastating the 
country. But the result has been that there is hardly a 



clan of Rajputs in Rajputana which does not either trace 
its origin through this province or claim connexion with 
it either through conquest from the north or through 

In Chapter IV Captain Bell deals with what is known 
as the Walabhi dynasty of Rajputs and gives a fairly 
comprehensive account of the condition of that dynasty 
during a period of some three hundred years. It would 
have been interesting, had it been possible, for the author 
to trace the connexion between Walabhipura and Raj- 
putana more directly than has been possible with the 
space at his disposal. Readers of Tod's " Rajasthan " 
will remember some of that great historian's speculations 
in connexion with the rise of the Sisodia clan of the 
Rajputs, and will remember how Bappa Rawal claimed 
descent from a race having its first Indian habitat at or 
near Walabhipura, or, as Captain Bell calls it, Walabhi- 
nagar. It is to be hoped that some future investigator, 
with the constantly increasing materials which become or 
may become available, will see his way to tracing more 
closely than has been done in this book the chain con- 
necting the oldest clans of Rajputana with the early 
invaders who passed through Kathiawad and Sind. 

As we come down to more modern times, it is possible 
to be more precise in the matter of tracing origins ; and 
in Chapter VI Captain Bell has given an interesting 
account of the coming of the Jhala Rajputs, as handed 
down traditionally in Kathiawad. He indicates there 
that the Jhalas, through their habitat in Sind, are probably 
able to claim Greek descent, but, even if this hypothesis 
was not proved to be established, it is fairly clear that 
this race was at all events intermingled with the Greek 
dynasties of the Sind valley and North- Western Punjab. 

In connexion with the advent of the Kathis to Kathia- 
wad, which took place about the eleventh century, the 



author is able incidentally to indicate the extraordinary 
difficulty in making a consecutive narrative of the stirring 
events which have occurred in the province. One race 
after another, either ejected from elsewhere or impelled 
by the lust of conquest, made its irruption into the penin- 
sula ; and the action of the Marathas in changing the 
old name of Saurashthra to Kathiawad was perhaps 
justified by the circumstance that from the time of the 
incursion of the Kathis in the eleventh century, they 
have been the most constant factor in the kaleidoscopic 
events of the province. It is not necessary, perhaps, to 
attach unqualified credence to the rumours regarding the 
origin of this interesting race ; but it is of importance, 
even at the present day, to have some knowledge of the 
traditions which resulted in some of the most curious 
tribal customs obtaining in India. Thus, the marriage 
customs of the two chief branches of the Kathis, the 
Sakhayat and the Awaratya, are full of interest to his- 
torians of feudal times ; and, though one need not agree 
in holding that they indicate a model of democracy, at all 
events they form a system which was exceedingly well 
adapted to render possible the continuance of a social 
system based on the principle of equal division of property, 
as opposed to the system of primogeniture. Difficult 
problems come up for decision at the present day directly 
arising from these marriage customs. A member of the 
Sakhayat, or landowning, branch of the Kathis invari- 
ably marries into the Awaratya or landless class. A male 
Awaratya marries a female Sakhayat, and she brings with 
her to him a marriage portion from the landed estate of 
her father sufficient to maintain her in requisite dignity 
during the period of her lifetime. On her decease that 
marriage portion lapses again to the landed estate of her 
father's family. 

The events narrated in this work demonstrate the 




extraordinary difficulties which confronted the British 
Government when circumstances, and the treaties with 
the Peshwa and Gaekwad, compelled our intervention in 
the early days of the nineteenth century. In his work 
on the " Protected Princes of India,'* the late Sir William 
Lee-Warner described the position of the native States of 
India when the Pax Britannica was imposed as analogous 
to that of stormy waters suddenly petrified into the 
shapes which they had taken at the moment of our 
intervention. It was Colonel Walker's business, in fact, 
to settle matters in such fashion that, so far as practicable, 
the position and powers of the various States in Kathiawad 
should remain precisely as they were at the moment of 
our coming, and to effect agreements perpetuating, with 
due regard to just claims, the actual facts of the situation 
as he found them. But it can quite easily be imagined 
that, though his work was performed with extraordinary 
skill and with a wonderful degree of accuracy in regard 
to rights and titles, there remain to the present day 
questions for adjustment in reference to periods even 
antecedent to 1808. An interesting instance of the 
survival of difficulties and troubles owing to the constant 
disturbances prevailing during the seventeenth, eighteenth, 
and nineteenth centuries is one of the consequences of 
the events in the State of Jamnagar which are described 
in Chapter XII of this work. 

Enough has been said to give some idea of the breadth 
and diversity of the interests which surround the history 
of the province of Kathiawad. It is a merit of the present 
work that it brings into focus and presents in the form 
of a consecutive narrative events which, though occurring 
in one corner of India, had their origin, and often their 
ultimate results, in far distant parts of Asia and even 
Europe. The book is one which should be perused by, 
and hold the interest of, all those who are engaged in 


political work in India as well as all students of the 
evolution and development of the country. It sum- 
marizes our knowledge, so far as it has extended, of the 
traditions and facts of the past, and it is perhaps not too 
much to hope that it will stimulate other officers of 
Government, who may have the opportimity, to further 
research with a view to adding to the information at our 
disposal. All lovers of the Province of Kathiawad and 
of its chiefs and people will, as I do, give a cordial wel- 
come to Captain Wilberforce-Bell's book ; and I feel sure 
that those chiefs themselves will gratefully recognize the 
service which the author's industry has done to their most 
interesting country. 


May 28, 1915 





Introductory : Geographical : Ancient towns ; Anarta : Shri Krishna in 
Saurashtra ; Holy places 


(327^184 B.C.) 

Epigraphic Inscriptions : Alexander the Great : The Magadh Empire : 
Chandragupta Maurya : Saurashtra under Asoka : The Asoka stone 
at Junagadh : Translations of the Edicts : Death of Asoka 




(184 B.C.-A.D. 470) 

The Sunga dynasty : The Saka dynasty : The Western Kshatrapas : 
The Sudarsana Lake at Junagadh : Second inscription on Asoka 
stone : The Jasdan stone : List of Kshatrapa rulers : The Andhras : 
The Gupta dynasty : Saurashtra under the Guptas : Third inscrip- 
tion on Asoka stone 22 


(A.D 470-760) 

The end of the Gupta dynasty : The Walabhi dynasty : List of Kings 
of Walabhi : Raja Harsha of Thanesar : Walabhi overthrown : 
Hiouen Tsiang : His account of Walabhi : Copper-plate inscriptions 37 


(A.D. 875-1026) 

The Rajputs : Jethwas : Chaoras : Walas : Ahers : Mers : Rabaris or 
Babrias : The Chudasama Ras of Wanthali ; R^ Chud^ ; Ra Gra- 

• • ■ 





hario I : Junagadh : Mulraj of Anhilwad defeats Ra Grahario : 
Ra Kawat : Ra Dyas : Capture of Wanthali by the King of Anhil- 
wad : Ra Noghan : Mahmud of Ghazni destroys Sonmath Temple : 
Al Biruni : Description of Sonmath 47 


(a.d. 1026-1415) 

Ra Khengar I : The Jhalas : Limbdi : Wankaner : Wadhwan : Chuda : 
Lakhtar : Sayla : The Kathis : Ra Noghan II moves his capital to 
Junagadh : Ra Khengar II invades Anhilwad : Siddha Raj conquers 
Junagadh : Ala-ud-din Khilji, Emperor of Delhi, sends an army 
into Gujarat and Saurashtra : Alaf Khan destroys Somnath 
Temple : The Gohels : Mahmud Taghlak Shah captures Jimagadh : 
Encamps at Gondal : Muzafar Khan captures Wanthali : Sacks 
Sonmath : Becomes Sultan of Gujarat : Effects of Mahomedan 


(A.D. 1415-1526) 

Ra Jayasinha : Ra Mandlik III : Sultan Mahomed Khan Begarah 
attacks Ra Mandlik at Jimagadh : Captures him and forces him 
to become a Musahnan : Ra Mandlik dies at Ahmadabad : Mahomed 
Begarah conquers Dwarka : Attacks Kuwa : Death of Waghoji 
Jhala : Foxmding of Halwad : Ranoji Jhala usurps Jhalawad : 
Diu : Death of Mahomed Begarah 


(A.D. 1504-1572) 

The Portugese in India : Desire to control trade of Western India : 
Naval action off Diu : Mansinhji defeated and exiled : Pardoned 
by Sultan Bahadur Shah : The Portugese capture Mangrol : 
Sultan Bahadur Shah flees to Diu : Permits the Portugese to 
build a fort, and then regrets having done so : Assassinated at 
Diu : The Jadejas : Diu fort besieged by Mahomed Khan III : 
And by Khoja Zulgar : Portugese firmly established at Diu : 
Disorder in Gujarat : Dhrol : Morvi : Rajkot : Gondal : Raisinhji 
Jhala attacks Dhrol : The Emperor Akbar captures Gujarat 







(a.d. 1572-1692) 

Confusion in Saurashtra : Mirza Khan repulsed at Junagadh : Sultan 
Muzafar Shah escapes from captivity : Obtains help in Saurashtra : 
Flees to the Barda Hills : Battle of Buchar Mori : Junagadh 
besieged : Imperial Fouzdar placed at Junagadh : Muzafar Shah 
at Dwarka : Flees to Kachh : Returns : Commits suicide at Dhrol : 
Death of Emperor Akbar : Chandrasinhji Jhala : Kathi raids : 
Mirza Isa Tar Khan appointed Fouzdar : Origin of " Kori " : Peace 
in Saurashtra : Than plundered 




(a.d. 1692-1760) 

The Marathas attack Gujarat : The Jethwas build a fort at Porbandar : 
Marathas enter Saurashtra : Attack Sihor : Dhrangadhra built by 
Raisinhji Jhala : The Babi family : Marathas in Saurashtra : 
Sheshabhai Jhala conquers Sayla and establishes himself there : 
Sheikh Mian seizes Mangrol : Sher Khan Babi : The Marathas 
conquer Gujarat : Gajsinhji Jhala defeated by the Marathas : The 
Nawabs of Junagadh : The province renamed " Kathiawad " : 
Maratha dominion 121 


(a.d. 1760-1784) 

Amarji Kunvarji, Dewan of Junagadh : Enters Junagadh service : 
Meraman Khawas, Dewan of Nawanagar : Wakhatsinhji Gohel of 
Bhavnagar : Amarji captures Verawal from Sheikh Mian of Man- 
grol : Sher Zaman Khan of Bantwa attacks Junagadh : Kutiana 
captured by Amarji : Amarji successfully attacks the Mianas of 
Malia : Plots against Amarji : He is degraded : Sheikh Mian invades 
Junagadh territory : Amarji recalled : Positra fort attacked by 
Amarji and Meraman Khawas : Rebellion at Junagadh : Amarji 
fights a drawn battle with Marathas at Jetpur : Rana Sultanji : 
Combined attack on Amarji : Battle of Panchpipla : Meraman 
Khawas defeated : Amarji assassinated at Junagadh 

XV b 





(a.d. 1756-1807) 

Meraman Kliawas established in power at Nawanagar : Attacks Positra : 
Successfully fights the Kathis : Defeats Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan : 
Dada Khachar : Confederacy of Jadejas against Meraman : Fateh 
Mahomed invades Nawanagar from Kachh : Battle of Pardhari : 
Jam Jasaji's condition : Nawanagar invested by Rao Rayadhanji 
of Kachh : Peace of Dhiunao : Death of Meraman Khawas : Marathas 
at Junagadh : Raghunathji Amarji, Dewan of Junagadh : Is 
expelled : Rana Sultanji captures Chorwad and Verawal : Arabs 
mutiny at Junagadh : Raghunathji imprisoned : Kalian Sheth : 
The Marathas levy a treble tribute 




(a.d. 1772-1807) 

Wakhatsinhji Glohel of Bhavnagar : His policy : Captures Jhanjhmer : 
Mahuva : Rajula : Jasa Khasia : The Khuman Kathis of Kundla : 
Nawab Hamed Khan aids them against Wakliatsinhji Gohel : 
Wakhatsinhji captures Chital : And Jasdan : Unadji Gohel of 
Palitana : Hada Khuman plunders Bhavnagar villages : Wakhat- 
sinhji successfully resists the Marathas : Battle of Loliana : Attacked 
by Nawab Hamed Khan and the Kathis : Peace terms arranged : 
Wakhatsinhji pacifies the Kathis : The Marathas repulsed at Sihor 



(a.d. 1807-1808) 

Colonel Walker's settlement : Reasons for British entry into Kathiawad : 
Condition of affairs and the coimtry on Colonel Walker's arrival : 
Jam Jasaji obtains Kandorna : Is requested to surrender the fort : 
British policy and reasons for insisting on restoration to Rana 
Haloji : Jam Jasaji refuses : Kandorna seized and handed over to 
Porbandar : Settlement of Morvi, Nawanagar, Gohelwad, Porban- 
dar, Junagadh, Halar, the Kathis : Jafrabad : Effects of the annual 
Maratha incursion to collect tribute 





(A.D. 1808-1822) 

Porbandar affairs : British officer murdered at Gop : Modpur fort 
besieged : Amreli and Kodinar passed to the Gaekwad of Baroda : 
Fateh Mahomed makes his last attack on Nawanagar : Famine : 
Intrigue : Trouble in Junagadh : Death of Wakhatsinhji Gohel 
of Bhavnagar : His character : Jodia captured by Colonel East : 
A British agency established at Rajkot : Jam Ranmalji of Nawana- 
gar : The Kathis again break out : Hada Khuman raids Wanda : 
Junwadar looted : Hada Khuman killed : Jetpur Kathis' com- 
plicity : Death of Champraj Wala : Captain Grant captured by 
Bawa Wala : Kept in the Gir Forest : Released : The habits of 




(A.D. 1822-1869) 

The Kathis again active : They raid Bhavnagar villages : Wajesinhji 
anxious for peace : Sadul Khasia attacks Palitana : Surroimded 
in the Gir Forest, but escapes : Junagadh accused of harboiuring 
outlaws : Champraj Wala captured : Peace generally in the pro- 
vince : Wagher outlaws : Affairs in Junagadh and Bhavnagar : 
Council of Regency in Junagadh : The young Nawab's difficulties : 
The Waghers again give trouble : They capture Okhamandal : 
And Kodinar : Death of Jodho Manik : Formation of levies : Fight 
at Tobar : Captains Hebbert and La Touche killed : Death of Mulu 
Manik 205 


(A.D. 1868-1879) 

Conferment of salutes : Foimdation of Rajkumar College laid at Rajkot : 
Porbandar State made third class : Government administration in 
Bhavnagar : Rajkumar College opened by Sir Seymovu: Fitz- 
Gerald : Establishment of the Rajasthanik Court : Nathu Manik, 
outlaw : Kathiawad Chiefs attend the Imperial Assemblage at 
Delhi : Titles in use in Kathiawad : Joint administration in Gondal : 
Mr. Gawrishankar Udayashankar, C.S.I., Dewan of Bhavnagar : 
The Nagars of Kathiawad : First construction of railways 






(a.d. 1880-1896) 

Talukdari Girassia College at Wadhwan : Maya troubles in Junagadh : 
Movar Sadhwani, outlaw : Is pursued and finally captured : The 
Makranis of Inaj defy Junagadh : Are dispersed : Thakor Bhagwat- 
sinhji of Gondal visits Europe : Morvi and Gondal States raised to 
first class : Prince Albert Victor visits Kathiawad : Imperial Service 
troops raised by Bhavnagar, Nawanagar, and Junagadh : Wala 
Namori's outlawry : Killed at Karadia : Death of Lieutenant 
Gordon : Death of H.H. Sir Bahadur Khanji of Junagadh : Juma 
Gand, outlaw : Is killed in Dhrangadhra State : Death of Mr. Chester 




(A.D. 1897-1915) 

Thakors Sir Bhagwatsinhji of Gondal and Sir Waghji of Morvi receive 
G.C.I.E. in E^^land : Opium rules promulgated : Rajasthanik 
Court abolished : The great famine of a.d. 1900 : ReUef measiu-es : 
Death of Sir Mansinhji of Dhrangadhra : Lord Curzon visits Kathia- 
wad : Designations of PoUtical Officers revised : Divisions of the 
province : Powers of various classes of Chiefs : Maya Punja's out- 
lawry : Is killed near Chuda : Imperial Durbar at Delhi, a.d. 1903 : 
Installation of H.H. Jaswatsinhji of Nawanagar : Death of Major 
H. G. Camegy : Administration in Porbandar : And in Junagadh : 
Imperial Durbar at Delhi of a.d. 1911 : Riots in Porbandar : 
Conclusion 253 


1. Early Musalman Governors of Gujarat 

2. The Sultans of Gujarat and Saurashtra 

3. The Moghal Viceroys of Gujarat and Saurashtra 

4. Mahomedan Governors and Fouzdars of Sorath 

5. The Babi rulers of Junagadh 

6. The Jadeja Rajputs of Kachh and Halar 

7. The Gohels of Bhavnagar 




APPENDICES {continued) 

8. The Jethwas of Porbandar (also known as Jetwad) 

9. The Jhalas of Jhalawad 

10. Political Agents (Agents to the Governor) in Kathiawad ; Principals 

of the Rajkumar College ; Judicial Assistants to the Agent to the 
Governor ; and Inspecting Officers, Imperial Service Troops 

11. Political Agents in charge of Prants since a.d. 1902 

12. The States of the first three classes in Kathiawad and their rulers, 

A.D. 1914 

13. The Portugese Governors of Diu from a.d. 1535-1548 and from 

A.D. 1900-1914 








At end of volume 


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Ruins of a Temple at Ghumli 

The Asoka Stone at Junagadh 

Part of a collection of coins of the Kshatrapa Dynasty 

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (1) (coloured) 

The Temple of Somnath at Prabhas Patan 

The Palace at Halwad 

The Fort at LHu, from the North-West 

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (2) {coloured) 

The Uparkot at Junagadh 

Memorial Stones of fallen warriors at Chhaya 

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (3) (coloured) 

The Old Fort at Chhaya 

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (4) (coloured) 

The Rajkumar College at Rajkot 

The Ganga Jalia Tank, Bhavnagar 

J. Sladen, Esq., I.C.S., Agent to the Governor in Kathiawad, 1915 

Map of Kathiawad 


To face 





























5 „ 


tend of 







■;;7'ii®'J^^?!!;'?V.'i*'"' ■'• ■^^''^,S^'^,'^?*tif^i " ■ ■ 



On the West of India, between the Gulfs of Kaehh and 
Cambay, the ancient and once famous country of Kathia- 
wad projects peninsula-Hke into the Arabian Sea. 
Kathiawad is the Holy Land of Western India, and from 
the earliest times of which we have knowledge it was 
" the country flowing with milk and honey " towards 
which merchants from Arabia, Turkey, Northern Africa, 
and South-Eastem Europe directed their ships and 
acquired the wealth to be obtained from trade with the 
Indies. To the Greeks and Romans the country was 
known as " Saurastrene," and its present name is of 
very recent origin. " Saurashtra," the Good Country, 
which was the name by which it was known all through 
the ages, in the middle of the eighteenth century gave 
place to the present appellation. For this the Marathas 
are responsible, for they re-named the country after the 
tribe from which they experienced the strongest opposi- 
tion when engaged in plundering expeditions. The Kathis 
themselves are a comparatively recent importation, who 
settled in Saurashtra in the fifteenth century after having 
been driven out of Kachh. The Mahomedan con- 
querors shortened the name to the Prakritized " Sorath," 
and the Southernmost of the four districts into which the 
country is now divided still retains that name. But 
learned inhabitants still apply the name "Saurashtra" 
to the whole province. 

It was only in a.d. 1808 that the British Government 

1 A 




began to make good its footing in Kathiawad, since 
which time it has been variously divided into separate 
administrative divisions. There are now but four of 
these, known respectively as Jhalawad (or the enclosure 
of the Jhala Rajputs), Halar, Sorath, and Gohelwad 
(the enclosure of the Gohel Rajputs). With the exception 
of the civil stations forming the headquarters of the 
British political officers in each of the four districts, 
Kathiawad consists entirely of Native States — some large 
and some very small — and the senior British representa- 
tive, known as the Agent to the Governor of Bombay in 
Kathiawad, resides at Rajkot, which is the administrative 
capital of the province. The total area of Kathiawad is 
about 22,000 square miles, while its greatest breadth is 
215 miles, and the greatest length about 160. It is 
bounded on the North by the Gulf of Kachh, and on the 
South and West by the Arabian Sea. The Gulf of Cambay 
forms the Eastern boundary of the peninsula, and 
between the Gulfs of Kachh and Cambay it lies con- 
tiguous to Gujarat. Under the Mahomedans, Kathia- 
wad was considered as forming part of Gujarat, and was 
under the control of the Viceroy of that province. The 
country is very flat and very fertile, but the principal 
among its hills are historical as well as geographical 
landmarks. In the West the Barda * Hills contain the 
ancient town of Ghumli, or Bhumli, once the capital of 
the Jethwa Rajput rulers of that part. In the Southern 
part of the peninsula are the famous and very holy hills 
of Girnar, Datar and Palitana, whilst farther towards the 
East the Sihor range occupies a considerable portion of 
what is now the State of Bhavnagar. The hills of the 
Gir Forest run parallel with the sea between (but to the 
South of) the hills of Girnar and Palitana. 

Of the rivers, the principal is the Bhadar, which rises 

* A Sanskrit word meaning " backbone," so called from the position the 
hills occupy. 



in the Mandhav Hills in the centre of the province and 
flows South- West until it reaches the sea at Navi Bandar, 
in Porbandar State. Its length is nearly 120 miles, and 
the land on both sides is extremely fertile. The Shet- 
runji River rises in the Gir Forest, and flowing Eastward 
through Palitana, empties itself into the Gulf of Cambay. 
The Aji takes its rise near the centre, and flows Northward 
past Rajkot, emptying itself into the Gulf of Kachh. 
There are also other rivers of lesser size and importance, 
and Kathiawad is decidedly a well-watered province. It 
is remarkable, however, that all the oldest remains are to 
be found in the South and South-East, and that portion 
is undoubtedly more full of ancient historical associations 
than any other part. In fact, it may safely be assumed 
that the remainder of Kathiawad was at the best sparsely 
inhabited when the Southernmost portions were the home 
of an ancient and advanced civilization. The proba- 
bilities are that except for these portions the country 
was one of forest alternating with waste land, and the 
borders of civilization were marked by the Bhadar River 
in the North, and the holy places of Madhavpur and 
Tulsishyam on the West and East respectively. Along 
the coast were the seaports which attracted merchants 
from all parts, and which formed emporiums for trade, 
of such importance that it is difficult indeed to realize 
what their renown as such must have been. 

The identifications of the towns mentioned by Alexan- 
drian merchants of the first and second centuries have 
not yet been altogether satisfactorily established, and 
conjecture has been chiefly resorted to by those eminent 
archaeologists * who have endeavoured to trace places 
from a similarity of names. One town alone seems to be 
identified without much possibility of doubt. The 
" Monoglosson " of Ptolemy (a.d. 161) has undergone 
several changes before attaining its modern name of 
* Dr. Lassen, Ck>Ionel Yule, Dr. Vincent. 


^ i 

r ! 



! I 

i 1 
■i i 


" Mangrol." Even now the correct name of Mangrol is 
" Manglor," but a century or so ago this was found to 
create so much confusion owing to an important seaport 
on the Malabar coast of South India bearing a similar 
appellation, that a change was effected, and the " Man- 
glor " of Saurashtra became effectively transformed by 
the transposition of a couple of letters. 

The site of the city of Saurashtra, capital of the 
province, has never been satisfactorily determined, but 
there can be little doubt that it is either Wamansthali 
(the modern Wanthali) or Prabhas Patau, which has in 
modern times given place to Verawal, its neighbouring 
town, as a port. Dr. Lassen fixes on the modem Junagadh 
as this site, but this is most luilikely, as for centuries the 
capital town of the Chudasama Ras of Junagadh was 
Wanthali, which is distant about eight miles from 
Junagadh. Junagadh is indeed a very ancient site, and 
there are many remains of antiquity to be seen at and 
near it. But the ancient town can have been but for 
defence, and one of the headquarters of Buddhism. Its 
very situation precludes it from being a trading mart, 
and, moreover, it does not stand on or near any river. 
The site of Bardaxima Colonel Yule identifies with the 
modern Porbandar, which is not so ancient a town as 
Shrinagar, a few miles distant. The Barda Hills are 
hard by, and it may be assumed that the similarity in 
names points to some connexion between the two. The 
most ancient town in the Barda Hills is Ghumli, now but 
a mass of ruins. But it is unlikely this is the site Bar- 
daxima stands for, the case of Ghumli being similar to 
that of Junagadh as regards its being a place of defence. 
It is most likely that Shrinagar could trace its descent 
from Bardaxima, were historical records available. The 
identification of " Barake " presents many difficulties. 
Both Dr. Lassen and Colonel Yule believe it to be the 
modern Dwarka. But in doing so they lose sight of the 



fact that the original Dwarka, to this day known as Mul- 
Dwarka, lay on the coast about twenty miles East of 
Verawal. Beyond its name, the site appears to possess 
no historical associations, and has only a very small 
temple to mark it. Moreover it lies on an open and 
sandy shore, with no traces of a harbour, nor even the 
possibilities of such. Further Eastward, however, and 
about twelve miles beyond Jafrabad, is situated an 
ancient harbour, now known as Bherai. " Barake " and 
" Bherai " bear much more resemblance towards each 
other than do " Barake " and " Dwarka." From the 
Mahabharat we learn that on the death of Krishna the 
original Dwarka was destroyed by a tidal wave. 

The Baiones Insula Colonel Yule identifies with Piram 
Island. An island equally as old, and forming one of a 
group of three opposite Bherai harbour, is Shial (or 
Jackal) Island. Of late years many ancient remains 
have been found on Shial, and idols and other relics of 
former days are continually being unearthed. The three 
islands forming the group are connected by a rocky strip 
at low tide, and if, as is possible, " Baiones " is used in 
the plural, nothing is more likely than that the Shial 
Island group is referred to by ancient writers. Where all 
is conjecture one theory is of as much value as another. 

At some very remote period Kathiawad was un- 
doubtedly an island. Running almost North and South, 
and forming a connecting link between the Rann of 
Kachh and the Gulf of Cambay, is a strip of undulating 
country known as the " Nal " or " Watercourse." There 
is every indication of its having at one time formed the 
bed of some mighty river, and there can be little doubt 
in the conjecture that the Indus River, which has so 
often changed its course, and whose eccentricities are 
notorious, once entered the ocean by way of the Gulf of 
Cambay. Another interesting point worthy of notice is 
that in Kathiawad alone of all the hundreds of thousands 




h I. 



of square miles of which India consists, are lions now to 
be found. Cut off from the mainland, evidently in some 
far distant age, they throve in the forests of Kathiawad, 
while their species over the remainder of India died out 
or became exterminated; surviving, however, in one or 
two localities until the beginning of the nineteenth 

There is little doubt also that Kachh was formerly 
considered to be part of Saurashtra, though known 
separately as " Anarta." When the Walabhi kings 
reigned at Wala, this was the case, but with the fall of 
that dynasty in about a.d. 766, Kachh became entirely 
separated. From Chinese writings it would appear that 
in the fifth and sixth centuries Gujarat also formed part 
of Saurashtra. The Chinese traveller, Hiouen Tsiang, 
who came to Wala about a.d. 640, recorded the fact that 
the boundaries of Saurashtra extended as far as the 
Mahi River and that its circumference measured 1200 
miles. Within such boundaries the part now known as 
Gujarat found a place. 

Of the original race inhabiting Kathiawad we have 
few traces, and such as exist are merely those contained 
in the old Jain writings or other similar records. Much 
reliance, however, cannot be placed on these semi-mythical 
works, which record that the earliest inhabitants were a 
race of demons ! From the ancient Puranas, and other 
works of like nature, we are able to gather a few putative 
facts about Kathiawad in so far as they have bearing on 
Shri Krishna's connexion with that land of Hinduism. 
We learn from those that in very ancient times — ^variously 
computed as being between the years 1000-1200 B.C. and 
3000-4000 B.C. — ^there ruled in Saurashtra a king of the 
Solar Race, Rewat by name, at the time when Shri 
Krishna was driven out of Mathura by Jarasandha, King 
of Magadh, and went to Dwarka. There is also a story 
concerning the marriage of Baldeo, Krishna's brother, 


,!i i 


with Rewati, daughter of King Rewat. From the 
Mahabharat we read that after having ruled for several 
years in Dwarka, Krishna, to celebrate an occasion of 
festival, went to Prabhas Patau, then the Mecca of Hindu 
pilgrims, with a large party of family members. At 
Patau a quarrel arose among them, which ended in a 
fight in which many were killed. After witnessing the 
deaths of so many kinsmen, he became exhausted and 
lay down luider a Pipal tree by the side of a reservoir 
which was near. While he slept, a hunter named Jaras, 
mistaking him from a distance for a deer, put arrow to 
bow, and with a well-aimed shot killed him. The site of 
this tragedy is still marked, and can be seen between the 
towns of Verawal and Patau in the Junagadh State. At 
Madhavpur, a coast town between Verawal and Porbandar, 
Krishna was married to Rukmini, daughter of Bhishmak. 
And so, from time immemorial, Kathiawad has been 
the land to which all good Hindus, who could take 
advantage of the blessings a pilgrimage to the holy land 
carried, have come in countless numbers. These pilgrims 
have been a source of very material wealth to the pro- 
vince, already rich in natural resources. The sect of the 
Jains revere the holy hills of Palitana and Girnar, whereas 
Madhavpur, Tulsishyam, Dwarka, and Sudamapuri (the 
modem Porbandar) have attracted all Hindus of whatever 
denomination. Tulsishyam is sanctified on account of 
the hot natural springs for which it is famous, while 
Dwarka is renowned for its wonderful temples, chief 
among which, the Jagat temple, is said to have been 
originally built by one of the Gupta kings. Although 
there is little to support this theory, still a similarity 
between the idol it contains with one in the Temple of 
Krishna on Girnar, which is shown in the ancient Jain 
records as having been built by one of the Gupta dynasty, 
gives some ground for supposing that the author of the 
one was also the author of the other. 






f- ! 



(327-184 B.C.) 

It may be said that the history of Kathiawad is the 
history of India in miniature. Especially is this true 
when we consider that with the exception of the invasion 
of Alexander the Great, all descents upon India which 
have occurred throughout the ages have affected the 
province either directly or indirectly. It was not likely 
that a country so rich and so holy would pass unnoticed 
and untouched by conquest. The wealth to be acquired 
by possession of the prosperous seaport towns which 
carried on such a flourishing trade with foreign countries 
was not a thing to be ignored, and so the lust of wealth 
which could be collected by a mere raid, or by possessing 
its trading facilities, rendered Saurashtra a land worthy 
of attention. 

The difficulty of tracing a connected history is as great 
in the case of the part of India as in that of the whole. 
This is so because scarcely at any time has a single ruler 
ruled the entire peninsula. The history of India is the 
history of each of its component parts, and it is but 
natural that that of the most prominent should in a 
manner do service for that of the remainder. To record 
connectedly the history of each separate small kingdom 
would be an impossibility. The sources of information 
are so scant that even a general connected account of the 
whole is marred by gaps which yet remain to be bridged. 
Contemporary literature is too scanty to be of much 
service, though an exception must be made in favour of 



the Chinese pilgrims, who from time to time visited the 
land which gave birth to Buddhism. From coins and 
other similar objects of archaeological interest a great deal 
can be learnt, and these, combined with the information 
obtained from epigraphic inscriptions, are of the greatest 
value to the historian. These epigraphic inscriptions are 
of several kinds. In Kathiawad the Asoka Stone at 
Junagadh is that of most value, and from it we are enabled 
to form some idea of happenings in three distinct eras. 
The kings of Walabhi were accustomed to give grants 
of land by means of copper-plates bearing records of such 
grants. A great many of these have been recovered 
during the operations of well-digging, and during the 
construction of other irrigation works. But the want of 
chronological data is a constant source of difficulty. For 
this reason the Chinese travellers' accounts are of the 
greatest value. The minutest details did not escape their 
notice, and they recorded accurate information as to 
time and place in a manner which suggests they wrote 
accounts of their travels for the benefit of future ages. 
The works of the Greek writers, too, are not to be despised, 
for by means of them it has been made possible to form 
a chronological starting-point by determination of the 
principal dates connected with the Maurya dynasty, of 
which Asoka was the third Emperor of India. Of pre- 
historic India the lack of record leaves us almost entirely 
ignorant, and history may be said to have been begun 
by the invasion of Alexander the Great in the year 327 B.C. 
Having completed the crossing of the Hindu Khush and 
forced the passage of the Indus, he advanced as far as 
the Jhelum River. For various reasons he found it 
impossible to continue his advance into India and complete 
his conquest, so, after forming a Graeco-Bactrian kingdom 
in the Punjab, he sailed with his army down the Jhelum 
and Indus Rivers, returning, himself with half the army 
by land, and the remainder of his forces under Nearchos 





by sea, to Susa. With his death at Babylon, in 323 B.C., 
passed away one who might have been the first king of 
the whole Indian peninsula had not the difficulty of 
preserving intact a line of communication of enormous 
length through a recently conquered country necessitated 
such a reduction of his forces as would have left too small 
an army with which to subdue the nations ready to oppose 
his advance. Alexander did not visit Kathiawad, but he 
came very close to it, and very probably, indeed, recon- 
noitred the coast of Anarta (Kachh), which then formed 
part of Saurashtra. 

Previous to Alexander's invasion the principal kingdom 
of Northern India was that of Magadh, which now forms 
the province of Behar. On its borders was the kingdom 
of Kosala, the modern Oudh, and in these two countries 
Buddhism took its rise. The philosopher, Gautama 
Buddha, died an old man in about 477 b.c, during the 
reign of Ajatasatru, King of Magadh, and shortly after- 
wards the King of Kosala, after some fighting, was worsted 
by his more powerful neighbour, who from that time held 
prior place without dispute. Kosala became part and 
parcel of Magadh, and the Magadh kings continued to 
add to their power and conquests. In about the year 
434 B.C. the eighth ruler of the Magadh dynasty founded 
the city of Patliputra (Patna) on the site of a fort of the 
same name which had been built by the sixth of his line. 
Patliputra thus became in course of time the capital 
of a mighty empire. In the year 322 B.C., Chandragupta 
Maurya, a young adventurer of the Magadh house, raised 
the standard of revolt against the Greek power in the 
Punjab. Being successful in this venture, he turned his 
attention towards Magadh, from which country he had 
been exiled, and, having dethroned and slain the king, 
himself seized the throne. Raising an enormous army, 
he completely subjugated all Northern India as far South 
as the Narbada River, and appropriated the title of 



Emperor of India. He divided the empire into four 
provinces, and in the Westernmost one Saurashtra was 
included, the headquarters of the province being at 
Ujjain. We learn from one of the inscriptions on the 
Asoka Stone at Junagadh (a translation of which will 
follow in its proper place) that during Chandragupta's 
reign Syena Pushyagupta was Governor in Saurashtra, 
and built the famous Sudarsana Lake, all trace of which 
is now lost. This man was Chandragupta's brother-in- 
law, and it is likely that the governors of the principal 
provinces constituting the kingdom were all members of 
the Imperial family. During the reign of Chandragupta 
Maurya, Megasthenes was the Grseco-Bactrian ambassador 
at the Court at Patliputra, and from his writings we get a 
trustworthy account of life in Patliputra between the 
years 302 and 298 B.C. By Greek writers Chandragupta 
was known as Sandrocotus, King of the Prasii, and by 
them the strength and excellence of his rule, as also the 
main features of his efficient administration, are fully 
expounded. The building of the Sudarsana Lake at 
Junagadh serves as an example to show that even in 
those far-off days the question of irrigation was considered 
one of great importance, and that the care of the ruler 
for his subjects and their prosperity was far from being 
a negligible quantity. Chandragupta Maurya died in the 
year 297 B.C., and was succeeded by his son Bindusara, 
known to the Greeks as " Slayer of Enemies." The new 
Emperor reigned twenty-five years, and when he died, in 
the year 272 B.C., he left for his successor, Asoka, an 
empire even greater in extent than that which had been 
handed down to him on the death of Chandragupta. Of 
his reign and times there was no chronicler, but the 
Greek's name for him shows him to have followed his 
father's footsteps in the path of conquest. 

The next Emperor of India began his administrative 
career as Viceroy of Western India under his father, and 




. f; : 

I ! 

of this very remarkable man we have many records, 
chiefly engraved in stone. It was not until after he had 
reigned three years that Asoka was crowned at Patliputra, 
and for the first twelve years of his rule he was engaged in 
the peaceful administration of his dominions. Before his 
coronation he followed the tenets of Brahmanism, but 
afterwards he began to favour Buddhism, and became 
one of the great figures which adorned that religion. 
After the conquest of Kalinga, which took place in 201 B.C., 
Asoka determined never again to engage in pursuits which 
brought harm to others, but he chose instead the per- 
formance of service to mankind. His great piety mani- 
fested itself in the many sets of edicts on rock which he 
caused to be cut in various parts of India, and which have 
lasted throughout the ages. The endurance of the stone 
and characters is only exceeded by the excellence of the 
injunctions they contain. From them we get a great 
insight into the character of him who is perhaps the 
greatest figure in India's history. One of these incised 
rocks lies at Junagadh in Saurashtra, about one mile 
East of the city, on the road to the Damodarji Tank. 
The stone is divided into fourteen irregular parallelograms, 
each containing an edict. The whole is in a very good 
state of preservation, though the letters are in places 
indecipherable through having been rubbed by children 
engaged from countless ages in sliding down the smooth 
surface the rock presents. The language used is pure 
Magadhi, which has been translated into Prakrit, Sanskrit, 
and English. The several English texts vary slightly, 
but are essentially the same. The actual date of the 
inscriptions cannot be determined with accuracy. In the 
year 249 B.C. Asoka made a tour of the Buddhistic sacred 
places. He did not come to Saurashtra, however, and 
after visiting various places in the regions near the Hima- 
layan Mountains, he went into what is now Nepal and 
thence South. In 232-231 B.C. the great Emperor died, 



of this very remarkable man we have many records, 
chieflv engraved in stone. It was not mitil after he had 
reigned three years that Asoka was crowned at Pathputra, 
and for the first twelve years of his rule he was engaged in 
the peaceful administration of his dominions. Before his 
coronation he followed the tenets of Brahmanism, but 
afterwards he began to favour Buddhism, and became 
one of the great figures which adorned that religion. 
x\fter the conquest of Kalinga, which took place in 201 B.C., 
Asoka determined never again to engage in pursuits which 
brought harm to others, but he chose instead the per- 
formance of service to mankind. His great piety mani- 
fested itself in the many sets of edicts on rock which he 
caused to be cut in various parts of India, and which have 
lasted throughout the ages. The endurance of the stone" 
and characters is onlv exceeded bv the excellence of the 
injunctions they contain. From them we get a great 
insight into the character of him who is perhaps the 
greatest figure in India's history. One of these incised 
rocks lies at Junagadh in Saurashtra, about one mile 
East of the city, on the road to the Damodarji Tank. 
The stone is divided into fourteen irregular parallelograms, 
each containing an edict. The whole is in a very good 
state of preservation, though the letters are in places 
indecipherable through having been rubbed by children 
engaged from countless ages in sliding down the smooth 
surface the rock presents. The language used is pure 
Magadhi, which has been translated into Prakrit, Sanskrit, 
and English. The several English texts vary slightly, 
but are essentially the same. The actual date of the 
inscriptions cannot be determined with accuracy. In the 
year 249 B.C. Asoka made a tour of the Buddhistic sacred 
places. He did not come to Saurashtra, however, and 
after visiting various places in the regions near the Hima- 
layan Mountains, he went into what is now Nepal and 
thence South. In 232-231 B.C. the great Emperor died, 








3 H ■ 



I 'M 

.: I- 





but the place of his death has not yet been determined 
with certainty. His son Mahendra, and his daughter 
Saudhmittra, had left Ujjain when their father was 
Viceroy of the Western province, and had journeyed to 
Ceylon, where they were the means of the introduction of 
Buddhism into that island. Other missionaries were also 
sent into all the countries contiguous to the Maurya 
Empire, and even further afield. For in the thirteenth 
edict we read that the Buddhist tenets were known in 
Syria, Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene, and Epirus. Some 
writers have endeavoured to find a relationship between 
Buddhism and the philosophies of Pythagoras, Plato, 
and Aristotle, but it is doubtful whether Buddhism ever 
obtained any real hold in the countries mentioned above. 
The translation of the Edicts on the Asoka Stone at 
Junagadh is as follows : 


This Edict is proclaimed by King Priyadarsin, the 
beloved of the Gods. None should here on earth slaughter 
any even for sacrifice, nor should call together 
festive assemblies, for in them King Priyadarsin, the 
beloved of the Gods, remarks many sins. Still the King 
Priyadarsin, the beloved of the Gods, looks with favour 
on the gatherings ordained by his father. In the kitchen 
of mine. King Priyadarsin, the beloved of the Gods, many 
thousands of animals were daily slaughtered for food, 
but to-day when this Edict is sent forth only three animals 
are being killed for food, two peacocks and one deer. But 
even this deer is not necessarily to be killed, nor even all 
the three shall afterwards be killed. 

^/ck-t trf 


In the whole dominion of King Priyadarsin, the beloved 
of the Gods, as also in the adjacent countries such as 
Chola,* Pandya,t Satyaputra, Kefalputra,J all as far 

* Kanchi. f South India. % Malabar. 



IS- • ' 



I : ; 


as the Tamraparni,* even in the country of Antiochus the 
Grecian king, and among dependent kings, King Priya- 
darsin, beloved of the Gods, has ordered two things : the 
caring of the sick of man and the caring of the sick of 
cattle. And at all places where useful healing herbs for 
man and cattle were wanting he has caused them to be 
brought and planted. Also he has caused wells to be 
dug and trees to be planted on the roads for the benefit 
of men and cattle. 


King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, orders twelve 
years after his coronation that " everywhere in my 
dominions, whether under my direct control or in foreign 
lands, all my loyal subordinate officers and vassals should 
every five years be thus ordered, being called together^ 
to go on tour for this purpose, viz. for carrying out this 
Edict and for other business as well. That it is pious 
or meritorious to be obedient to father and mother and 
to protect men of one's own caste, to give gifts to Brahmans 
and ascetics, to abstain from killing living creatures and 
from prodigality, and to be fearless in all acts. Thus 
will those in my service also be tried in their attachment." 


Since a long time past during many hundreds of 
years, sacrificing of animal life and inflicting sufferings 
on created beings, want of sympathy for caste fellows and 
want of respect for Brahmans and ascetics, have gone 
on increasing. But now the virtue which King Priya- 
darsin, beloved of the Gods, practises is proclaimed far 
and wide with beating of drums. People have been led 
to virtue in a manner not known for many hundreds of 
years by the Edicts of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the 
Gods, being called together by various things like celestial 
cars, elephants, fire-balls and other attractive spectacles. 
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, has promoted 
and will promote the sparing of animal life, the gentle 

• Ceylon. 



treatment of created beings, respect for relatives, respect 
for Brahmans and ascetics, obedience to Father and 
Mother, obedience to elders, and many other acts of 
virtue. The sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons of 
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, shall also increase 
this culture of virtue. They shall exhort to virtue, 
standing steadfast in virtue and morality until the end 
of time. To exhort to virtue is surely a very excellent 
work, while from the immoral no virtue is to be expected. 
Growth, therefore, in these things and no diminution is 
good. For this purpose, that they may cause the growth 
of this matter, and not behold its diminution, has this 
(Edict) been written. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the 
Gods, has caused this to be written twelve years after his 


The beloved of the Gods, King Priyadarsin, thus 
proclaims : to do good is difficult and he who does good 
does certainly a very difficult act. I have done much 
good. Let all my work in that behalf be carried out by 
my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons and others of 
my posterity until the end of time. They will thereby 
do good. He who shall cause this command to be set 
aside shall commit great sin. Sin in deed is easily com- 
mitted. Previously there were no ministers of religion, 
but such officers are appointed by me in the thirteenth 
year of my inauguration for the purpose of presiding 
over morals among persons of all persuasions for the sake 
of increase of virtue among the people of Yavan, Kamboja, 
Gandhara, Rashtrika * and Pitenihen, and . . . those 
who may be or may not be devoted to my cause . . . 
for the happiness of the faithful . . . and for warding 
off imprisonment and capital punishment . . . they are to 
superintend among Government officials as among elders. 
Also in Patliputra and abroad . . . others of my relatives 
are sent everywhere. This practice which is initiated is 
very . . . ministers of religion. For this end has this 
Edict been caused to be written. 

* In the South of India. ' ^ - ^^ * '' ' ' " " 




King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, says : In 
past times there has never yet existed care for civil 
interests nor arrangements for hearing complaints. There- 
fore have I instituted the same. All the time I have been 
reigning there have been placed everywhere persons 
appointed to hear complaints in the apartments of women, 
in sanctuaries, in parks and in similar places, in order 
that they should know the wants of my people and report 
them to me. In all respects I further the interests of 
my people. In whatever I declare by word of mouth . . . 
or whatever I entrust to my ministers or preceptors . . . 
I always reconsider. . . . This have I everywhere and 
at all times commanded. For to me there is no satisfac- 
tion in increasing litigation. Litigation is necessary only 
for the securing of some civil interest. I consider it my 
duty to do good to all, but would attend to quarrels only 
so far as they tend to settle any disputed interest. I have 
no other business but the little effort I am constantly 
doing for the good of all. Thus do I wish to discharge 
somehow my debt to all beings . . . that they may attain 
heaven. This Edict has been caused to be written for 
this purpose. Would that I should look after it for long. 
Let my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons after me 
also labour for universal good, which is difficult without 
the utmost exertion. 



King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, desires that 
everywhere the ascetics of all persuasions should dwell 
in peace. He desires in all of them self-control and purity 
of soul. But people have different opinions and different 
likings. They may do all or a part. Nevertheless for 
one who is not able to make large religious gifts, self- 
control, purity of mind, gratitude and firm devotion 
which lasts for ever, are good. 

r I i i 


■H: I 



In past times kings went out on pleasure journeys, 
stag-hunting and other such recreations were in vogue. 
But King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, ten years 
after his inauguration, regards them as improper. There- 
fore he here regards as proper and good only those religious 
tours in which gifts are bestowed upon Brahmans and 
ascetics, elders are seen and served with presents, money 
is distributed, people of different countries are seen, virtue 
is taught, and inquiries made after it. King Priyadarsin, 
beloved of the Gods, looks upon these with favour, and 
enjoys also all the other pleasures which accrue to him 
as the result of his deeds. 


King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, speaks thus : 
It is a fact that men do all kinds of things to assure good 
fortune, as well in sickness as at betrothals and marriages ; 
at the getting of a son as at going from home. On these 
and other occasions men do all kinds of things which are 
meant to bring prosperity. But it is a great loss to do 
all those manifold, multifarious, vain, and useless things. 
This, however, does not remove the necessity of a man's 
doing something which will bring prosperity, but such a 
kind as has been named is of little use, while true piety 
is of great use. To that belongs proper treatment of 
slaves and subordinates, reverence for masters, severe 
self-restraint towards human beings, sincere charity to 
Brahmans and Shramans. These and other like actions 
are called truly religious works. This must be taught by 
all fathers, sons, mothers, and lords. This is noble. This 
must a man do as something that assures prosperity until 
his aim is fully attained. Mention was made just above 
of sincere charity. Now there is no charity, no goodwill, 
to be compared with charity or goodwill springing from 
true piety. It is this which a well-meaning friend, relative, 
or companion must at every occurring opportunity impress 
on another, that this is duty and is proper. These and 

17 B 


I i 


many other things, all, must be properly done for obtaining 
heaven. May all thus attain heaven. 


King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, does not regard 
renown and great name as any great object, for without 
heavy sacrifice it never stands long. Let my people follow 
the path of virtue and be ever pious. King Priyadarsin, 
beloved of the Gods, covets renown or name only for this 
world, but whatever little he does is all for the next. 
Everjrthing from him is without blemish, and blemish 
is nothing more or less than simpleness. Such a thing 
is indeed difficult for any one at all, be he of low or of 
high degree, unless with the utmost exertion by sacrificing 
everything. But this is indeed most difficult for one of 
high station. 


King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, speaks thus : 
There is no charity which equals religious charity, or 
explanation of religious precepts or right liberality, or 
religious relation. Under these are included proper treat- 
ment of slaves and subordinates, sincere obedience to 
father and mother, sincere charity towards friends, 
acquaintances, and caste-fellows, giving of gifts to Brah- 
mans and Shramans, and the sparing of animal life. This 
is to be commended as good, whether by father, or by 
son, or by friend, by an acquaintance, or by caste-fellow, 
or even by a neighbour. He who acts thus makes this 
world a friend to him, and hereafter obtains for himself 
an imperishable reward through all his true charity. 


King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, honours all 
sects, and orders of Monks, and all conditions of heads 
of families, and honours them and others with religious 
gifts and all kinds of marks of honour. Surely the beloved 
of the Gods does not attribute so much to religious gifts 



or marks of honour as to this, that the good name and 
intrinsic worth of all sects may increase. The foundation 
thereof is the giving them all proper and respectful main- 
tenance. In order that one sect may not be praised 
at the expense of another, and that there should be no 
undue neglect of any, all sects must on all occasions be 
honoured. For one so doing adds greatly to the merit 
of his own sect and at the same time encourages all others. 
One doing otherwise destroys his own sect, and harms 
others. Though every one who praises his own persuasion 
may perhaps do all that from attachment to his own sect, 
so as to glorify it, nevertheless, by so doing, he greatly 
injures his own persuasion. Therefore concord is tjbe best 
so that all may know and willingly listen to each other's 
religion. Because it is the wish of the beloved of the 
Gods that the members of all creeds may be well instructed 
and obtain blessngs. And to them that are attached to 
different persuasions let the assurance be conveyed that 
the beloved of the Gods does not attach so much value to 
religious gifts or worship as to this, that all sects may in- 
crease in good name and intrinsic worth and be reverenced. 
For this, ministers of religion, magistrates for the super- 
intendence of women, superintendents to treat ascetics, 
and other bodies, have been appointed. And the object 
of this is that the beloved of the Gods' creed may increase 
prosperity, that he may cause virtue to come forth in full 


. . . must be given. All his men have been killed, 
which certainly is a very cruel act. But in the Kalingas, 
obtained, the practice of religious virtue has grown very 
active . . . the killing, putting to death, or being carried 
away by men. Therefore the ruling of the Vedas and 
Angas is good. God . . . reverence to mother and father, 
sympathy for friends, acquaintances, assistants, caste- 
fellows, servants . . . that one of a caste should suffer 
some misery is on account of the fault of others, and they 
should therefore help him, and bear a share in his mis- 
fortunes . . , where men have no faith in any persuasion, 


i r 



and so long as they remain in doubt . . . neither is this 
possible. In the dominion of the beloved of the Gods, 
all forests are as little trespassed upon as possible and 
are thus protected . . . the preservation, self-control, 
and pacification of all beings . . . and gentlemen. . . . 
The Yawan King * and the four kings, namely Surmaya,t 
Antahana,J Maga,§ and Alikasudara.|| . . . thus in all 
foreign countries and everywhere is the religious injunc- 
tion of the beloved of the Gods followed, where even . . . 
glory and glory of virtue are also similar. No joy excelled 
the joy consequent on the victory of virtue . . . believes 
nothing to be conquered, for conquest and renown are 
ever within reach ... in this world and the next . . . 
the worship of Sweta (Buddha ?), the securing of the 
happiness of all. 


King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, has caused 
this righteous edict to be written, here plainly, there 
moderately, and in a third place at full length. Thus is 
everything expressed everywhere known to the great. 
Much has been caused to be written, and he shall cause 
again to write. Repetitions occur also in a certain measure 
on accoimt of the agreeableness of various points, in order 
that the people in that way be persuaded to understand 
and follow them. If sometimes the one or other is written 
incompletely, or out of order, it is because care has not 
been taken to make a good transcript, or the stone-engraver 
is at fault. 

The stone on which the above edicts are carved also 
contains two more inscriptions of later dates referring to 
the Sudarsana Lake. These will be noticed later. 

The outstanding feature in the edicts is their nature. 
They are not a moral code, neither are they the outcome 

* Antiochus, King of Syria ; died 247 B.C. 

t Ptolemy II, King of Egypt ; died 246 B.C. 

j Antigonas, Kang of Macedonia ; died 239 b.c. 

§ Magas, King of Cyrene ; died 258 B.C. 

II Alexander, King of Epirus ; died 262-258 B.C. 



of weak sentimentalism. They may scarcely be called 
religious tenets, yet they are based on the idea of the 
sanctity of all animal life, as being a part of the Supreme 
Being. The next prominent feature is that of sympathy 
for religions professed by people other than the subjects 
of the Magadh Empire. In fact, " Live and let live, 
worship and let worship," may be said to be the guiding 
principles of the Emperor's counsel. 

Asoka was the last of the Mauryas of fame, and after 
his death the Empire began to dissolve. He had several 
children whose names have been handed down in legends, 
but they must have predeceased their father, for he was 
succeeded by his grandson Dasaratha in the year 231 b.c. 
From the Puranas we gather King Dasaratha ruled for 
eight years, and he was succeeded by five other kings, 
the last of whom was killed by his Commander-in-Chief, 
who himself usurped the Maurya throne in 184 b.c. and 
founded a new dynasty. 


1 !( 

il I 

I- J! 



(184 B.C.-A.D. 470) 

With the advent of the new Sunga dynasty, the history 
of India began again to change its course. The new 
king, Pushyamittra, retained his hold on the Empire he 
had usurped, though not without a great deal of fighting 
and considerable difficulty. But his successors were 
unable to retain their grip, with the result that after the 
lapse of about a century the ancient Magadh Empire 
became completely disintegrated. 

Saurashtra appears to have remained peacefully under 
the rule of Pushyamittra until the year 155 B.C., when 
Menander, King of the Punjab and Kabul, and a relation 
of Eucratides, King of Bactria, (founded in Alexander's 
time,) became seized with a desire of emulating, and if 
possible surpassing, the prowess of the great Greek soldier, 
and marched into India. He conquered and annexed 
Saurashtra, and this exploit is recorded by Strabo, who 
calls the country *' Saraostos." Menander advanced very 
nearly as far as Patliputra, but was finally defeated by 
Pushyamittra and obliged to retire. From various his- 
torical observations, however, we are enabled to infer 
that he still held Saurashtra and Broach for several 
years after his repulse, mainly from the fact that Greek 
coins of a later date than 153 B.C. were recorded as being 
current in Western India for some years. 

The Sunga dynasty came to an end in 72 B.C., and in 
the years that intervened between the withdrawal of 
Greek arms from Western India and that time, various 


v -if 


upheavals were taking place in Central Asia which were 
destined to have a very direct influence on India. 
In 165 B.C. a tribe of nomads, known to history as 
" Yuehchi," were compelled to move from North- West 
China. Wandering Westwards, they encoimtered the 
Sakas, another nomadic race, between the Chu and 
Jaxartes Rivers. Being unable to resist the Yuehchi 
hordes, the Sakas were obliged to move, and selecting 
the point which offered least natural resistance for their 
new coiuitry, they entered Bactria and completely 
swamped and extinguished the Greek kingdom at some 
period between the years 140 and 130 b.c. They appear 
to have held only Bactria and Seistan — which became 
known as " Sakastene " — ^until the end of the Sunga 
dynasty in Magadh and the break-up of the Empire in 
about 72 B.C. About this time, it is assumed a portion 
of the Sakas occupied Saurashtra and foimded a new 
Saka dynasty in that country, which was known as that 
of the " Satraps " or " Kshatrapas." Of these Kshatrapa 
rulers we have many evidences, chiefly in the form of 
coins, from which it has been found possible to trace 
their names and the order of succession of many of them. 
In addition to the coins we have the evidence derived 
from an inscription on the Asoka stone at Junagadh, 
which records the bursting of the Sudarsana Lake in 
the year 72 of the Kshatrapa dynasty, corresponding 
with the year a.d. 150-151. The inscription contains 
twenty lines recording the account of the rebuilding of 
a dam of the lake which had been washed away during 
the previous rainy season. The language is Sanskrit, and 
the inscription reads as follows : 

To the perfect one. This Sudarsana lake, being 
from Girinagar, is beautiful in all respects, having been 
supplied with an embankment all round. Strongly faced 
with masonry continuously in its length, breadth, and 
height, so as to rival the very hill region. Possessed of 




> 1 1 

III! ilS 

a natural causeway formed by . . . furnished with 
canals, etc., for the ingress and egress of water, and fed 
with the waters of the Palasina and Savamasinata Rivers 
by embankments, etc. ; and . . . three branches, and 
other advantages, is in a highly flourishing condition. 
This work gave way on the first day of the dark fortnight 
of the month Margasirsha of the seventy-second year of 
Raja Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, whose wishes are 
fulfilled by the blessings of his Gurus, the grandson of 
Mahakshatrapa Chastana of propitious name . . . the 
son of ... in consequence of the rain having poured 
down in heavy showers everywhere, converting the 
surface of the earth as it were into one ocean ; and the 
excessive swelling of the currents of the Savamasinata 
and Palasini and other rivers of the Urjayata Hill, and 
on account of a hurricane, destroying the hill tops, trees, 
towers, open seats, gates, places for shelter, arches, &c., 
raised on the bank, and resembling in its terrible force 
the deluge, its waters were so greatly agitated as to 
displace . . . stones and trees and thick expanse of 
creepers, etc., and split open even the very bottom of 
the river. The lake with all its water gone out of this 
passage of four hundred and twenty cubits length, and 
of the same breadth, and seventy-five cubits deep, 
appeared as if it were one in the country of Marwar . . , 
for the sake of . . . was caused to be made by Vaisya 
Pushyagupta, a native of the country of the Maurya 
Raja Chandragupta ; and was embellished with water- 
courses, etc., under the superintendence of Tupaspa, 
the Yawan Raja of Asoka Maurya. By the watercourse 
seen in this break, which he (Tupaspa) has had con- 
structed, and which had been executed in a manner 
worthy of the King . . . the extensive bridge . . . who 
— ^the abode of royal fortune which manifested itself in 
uninterrupted prosperity from his childbirth, was loved 
on account of his virtues by all classes approaching for 
protection as his subjects ; who except in war had taken 
the true vow never in his life to kill a human being, 
but liberally gave blows to equal and opposing enemies 
. . . who was compassionate, who afforded protection to 



countries which surrendered themselves to him ; who 
was the lord of the countries such as Purvadesa, Parakara, 
Avanti, Anup-Nivrit, Anarta, Surashtra, S'vabhra, Maru, 
Katchchha, Sindh, Sauvira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nishada, 
etc., all people residing in whose ancient cities were not 
molested by thieves, snakes, ferocious beasts, or diseases — 
cities, which were acquired by his own valour, and the 
inhabitants whereof were greatly devoted to him ; who 
routed with great strength great heroes who would not 
submit from the pride of their valour well known among 
the Kshatriyas ; who without treachery, after twice 
thoroughly conquering Satakami, lord of Dakshinapatha, 
did not completely destroy him, on account of their 
near connexion, and thus obtained glory ... of great 
exploits . . . who re-established deposed kings ; who 
by properly raising his hand {i.e. in giving gifts) has 
often acquired great merit in religion ; who has secured 
great renown by his power of comprehending, retaining, 
knowing, and practising the great sciences of grammar, 
politics, singing, justice, and the like ; who was skilled 
in the art of riding horses, elephants, and chariots, and 
who was skilled in the use of the sword, the shield, in 
fighting . . . and in reducing the enemies' forces ; who 
was always of a charitable, courteous, and obliging 
disposition ; who was munificent ; whose treasury over- 
flowed with abundance of gold, silver, diamonds, lapis- 
lazuli, Vaidurya, and jewels, acquired by just and proper 
taxes and duties ; whose . . . was graced by clear, 
simple, sweet, admirable, and appropriate sentences in 
prose and poetry ; whose beautiful form was merited 
with the best signs and significant turns as shown by 
his gait, height, voice, walk, colour, vigour, strength, etc. ; 
who himself acquired the title of Mahakshatrapa, protector 
of warriors, who won numerous garlands of flowers in the 
Swayamvara ceremony of the daughters of kings ; by this 
Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, for cows and Brahmans 
for a period of one thousand years . . . and for the 
increase of his merit and fame with great generosity 
remitted taxes . . . and the people of the city and 
country from forced labour ; and by a liberal amount 




of money from his own treasury, in so great length of 
time constructed the bridge of three times the length and 
breadth . . . caused the most delightful lake to be 
made, that would last. On account of the largeness of 
the gap, the imdertaking was forbidden by the King's 
advisers and executive officers, although possessed of all 
the qualifications of ministers, and not disinclined to 
encourage enterprise ; the people losing all hope of the 
rebuilding of the bridge, raised woeful cries, when the 
work was executed for obliging the people and the 
country by Pahlava, son of Kulaipa, and Minister 
Suvisakha, appointed by the King for the protection of 
the whole of Anarta and Surashtra . . . who, (Suvi- 
sakha,) by the proper dispensation of justice in temporal 
and spiritual matters, secured the love of the people ; 
who was powerful, kept his senses in restraint, was 
steady minded, unshaken, wise, unconquerable, well 
behaved, and who became the increaser of his master's 
religion, glory, and fame. 

This is the most interesting and most valuable relic 
of those far-off days. The Western Satraps — or, as they 
called themselves, the " Mahakshatrapas," or Great 
Kshatrapas — ruled in Western India for four hundred 
and fifty years, but our knowledge of their names is 
very limited. Valuable help in determining some of 
them was obtained from inscriptions found at Nasik 
and other places in the Bombay Presidency, and from 
a pillar found near Jasdan in Kathiawad ; while numis- 
matic evidence has besides supplied or corroborated 
names and dates. The Jasdan stone, which is hard and 
dark coloured, measures 4 ft. 2 in. by 1 ft. 10 in., and 
was found at the village of Gadh. It contains six lines 
and is written in Sanskrit, and while recording the making 
of a " tank " it supplies us with a short genealogical tree 
of some of the Kshatrapas. The translation runs as 
follows : ' 

In the year 127 Bhadrapada, on the seventh day 





II '■■ 
















r M 


of the dark half, this " Satra " of Raja Mahakshatrapa 
Bhadramukh Swami Rudrasena ; the great-grandson of 
the son of Raja Mahakshatrapa Swami Chashtana ; the 
grandson of the son of Raja Kshatrapa Swami Jaya 
Daman ; the grandson of Raja Mahakshatrapa Rudra- 
daman ; son of Raja Mahakshatrapa Bhadramukha Swami 
Rudra. Of the sons of Supra Nathaka of Manasgotra, the 
grandson of Khara with brothers . . . was made. 

A stone containing a much obliterated inscription 
has been found near the Uparkot (citadel) at Junagadh, 
which contains the names of " Raja Kshatrapa Swami 
Jayadaman, son of Swami Chashtana," while a fourth, 
dated the 103rd year after Rudradaman, has come to 
light at Gunda, a village twenty-five miles from Por- 
bandar, in Jamnagar State territory. It is kept in the 
temple of Dwarkapuri at Jamnagar, is written in Sanskril^, 
and reads as follows : 

In the year 103 after Raja Kshatrapa Swami 
Rudradaman, grandson of Raja Mahakshatrapa Swami 
Jayadaman, great-grandson of Raja Mahakshatrapa Swami 
Chashtana, on the fifth of the bright half of Vaisakh, 
being an auspicious day, the Nakshatra being Shrawana, 
Ahiru Senapati Bahaka's son, Rudrabhuti, caused this 
reservoir of water to be dug and constructed in the 
village of Raspadara for the benefit and comfort of all 

A stone discovered on the bank of a tank at Mula- 
vasara, under Okhamandal in Saurashtra, contains more 
than a mere element of pathos. It now stands in the 
library at Dwarka, and is thus to be translated : 

The son of Vanijaka saved the life of his friend 
by sacrificing his own life on the fifth day of the dark 
half of Vaisakh of the year 232 of Raja Mahakshatrapa 
Swami Rudrasena. 

The list of the Kshatrapas, so far as is known, is very 
incomplete, but the names given below go a long way 



towards covering the period of their rule in Western 
India. It is almost certain that they continued the 
practice of the Maury as in ruling from Uj jain : 

1. Bhumaka. 

2. Nahapana, a.d. 70. 

3. Syamotika, who probably did not rule. 

4. Chashtana, son of Syamotika, a.d. 90 (Tiao-rai/o? of 


5. Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, who also apparently 

did not rule. 

6. Rudradaman, son of Jayadaman. 

7. Damajada, son of Rudradaman. 

8. Rudrasinha, son of Rudradaman, a.d. 180-182. 

9. Jivadaman, son of Damajada. 

10. Rudrasena, son of Rudrasinha, a.d. 205. 

11. Sanghadaman, son of Rudrasinha. 

12. Damasena, son of Rudrasinha. 

13. Isvaradatta. 

14. Viradaman, son of Damasena, who did not rule. 

15. Yasodaman, son of Damasena. 

16. Vijayasena, son of Damasena, a.d. 218-232. 

17. Damajada, son of Damasena. 

18. Rudrasena, son of Viradaman. 

19. Vishwasinha, son of Rudrasena, a.d. 278. 

20. Bhartradaman, son of Rudrasena. 

21. Vishwasena, son of Bhartradaman, who did not 


22. Swami Jivadaman. 

23. Swami Rudradaman, son (?) of Swami Jivadaman. 

24. Swami Rudrasena, son of Swami Rudradaman. 

25. Swami Sinhasena, grandson of Swami Rudra- 


26. Swami Satyasinha, grandson of Swami Rudra- 


27. Swami Rudra(?)sena, son of Swami Sinhasena. 

28. Swami Rudrasinha, son of Swami Satyasinha. 



On the coins, from which alone data regarding the 
dynasty may be obtained, the ruling kings were some- 
times called " Kshatrapas," and sometimes " Maha- 
kshatrapas." Colonel Biddulph supposes, and probably 
rightly so, that before the future ruler succeeded to the 
throne, he was known as " Kshatrapa," and was accus- 
tomed to have coins issued in his own name during his 
father's lifetime, assuming the title " Mahakshatrapa " 
on succession. 

The Kshatrapas, after deluging Western India, were 
not until a.d. 145 independent sovereigns, and to under- 
stand how they fell for a time into a suzerain position, 
it is necessary to revert to the state of affairs in India 
after the death of Asoka. One of the many minor 
kingdoms which the Mauryas compelled to acknowledge 
them as overlords was that of Andhra. Situated between 
the Godavari and Krishna Rivers, it waited but for 
the removal of the strong rule of the earlier kings of 
Magadh to assert its own independence. This oppor- 
tunity came after Asoka died, when the Andhra dynasty 
declared its independence and embarked on a career of 
conquest. Advancing Westwards, it gradually extended 
its dominions luitil they stretched from sea to sea. The 
history of the Andhra kings is scanty, though many of 
their names are known. 

Nahapana, the second on the list of the Saka rulers 
of Saurashtra, came in conflict with the Andhras in about 
the year a.d. 126 while endeavouring to enlarge his 
territories. The Andhra ruler, Vilivayahura II, was 
roused to anger at the Kshatrapa intrusion on his posses- 
sions by a horde of what he considered to be barbarians, 
and gathering together an army he overthrew and 
hmniliated Nahapana and extended his own kingdom by 
including the newly conquered Saurashtra within it. 
He entrusted the government of the Western provinces, 
however, to Chashtana, who ruled as his Viceroy. The 





Kshatrapas continued to hold this subordinate position until 
Rudradaman, grandson of Chashtana, became Viceroy, 
when he, in a.d. 145, asserted his independence, and 
completely defeated Paliunayi II, son of Vilivayahura. 
Instead, however, of entirely humiliating Palumayi by 
adding the conquered country to his ovm, he allowed 
the Andhra king to retain his territory intact, with the 
exception of those lands over which the Kshatrapas had 
previously ruled as viceroys. In doing so, he was probably 
guided by his affection for his daughter, Dakshamitra, 
whom he had formerly given in marriage to his lately 
conquered foe. Rudradaman thus became the ruler of 
Saurashtra, Malwa, and the land lying between the 
Western Ghats and the sea. These vast possessions were 
enjoyed by his successors until about the year A.D. 390. 

While the power of the Kshatrapas was still in its 
zenith, events were taking place in Magadh which were 
destined once again to lead to a change of rulers over 
Saurashtra. It is a ciu-ious, and at the same time an 
unfortunate fact, that the history of India during the 
third century of the Christian era is almost entirely un- 
known. Between the second and the fourth centiuries 
much seems to have been taking place, of which records 
are of the meagrest description. It is impossible to tell 
what happened in the once great kingdom of Magadh 
during these years, but we have sufficient historical 
material to infer that it had passed out of the hands of 
the weak successors of Pushyamittra. From Buddhist 
records we learn of a powerful tribe existing in what is 
now known as Tirhut, in Northern India, in the fifth 
century b.c, known as the Lichhavis, and for the purpose 
primarily of checkmating them, Ajatasatru, King of 
Magadh (dm-ing whose reign in 477 b.c. Gautama Buddha 
died) erected the fortress of Patliputra, which was 
destined afterwards to become a mighty city, and the 
capital of the Magadh Empire. 



Of the subsequent history of the Lichhavis nothmg 
is known until early in the fourth century a.d., when a 
Lichhavi princess married a small local ruler near Patli- 
putra known as Chandra Gupta, a name similar to that 
borne by the first Maurya king. This lady appears to 
have been very influential, and the result of her marriage 
with Chandra Gupta was that the latter acquired him- 
self much influence, and gradually rose from the position 
of a small chief into one of much greater power. How 
he succeeded to the throne of Magadh is unknown, but 
the fact remains that in the year a.d. 320 he became 
King of Magadh. He died in the year a.d. 326, and 
was succeeded by his son, Samudra Gupta, who reigned 
imtil about the year a.d. 375. Samudra Gupta greatly 
extended by conquest the kingdom he had inherited, 
but he did not include Saurashtra among the conquered 
lands. He was followed by his son, Chandra Gupta II, 
who assumed the title of " Vikramaditya " — " Sim of 

From the first Chandra Gupta II followed the example 
of his father in extending the boundaries of the Empire, 
and in about the year a.d. 388 he attacked Rudrasinha 
and added Saurashtra once more to Magadh. The bards 
of Kathiawad relate that Chandra Gupta II did not 
himself invade Saurashtra, but that he sent his son 
Kumara Gupta in command of the victorious army. 
Be this as it may, Rudrasinha was killed, and the rule 
of the Saka Satraps, which had lasted for 450 years, 
became a reality of the past. 

It has not yet been found possible to construct any 
sort of connected idea of the condition of Saurashtra 
when the Gupta rule extended over the country. That 
it was in a state of great commercial prosperity we know, 
and it is likely that at no subsequent period of its history 
was it such a means of intercourse between Europe and 
Asia as at that time. The Gupta emperors were not 


! ( 


slow to take advantage of this intercourse, and the stimula- 
tion given to trade had the effect of making Saurashtra 
the best known and perhaps one of the richest provinces 
under the Magadh dominion. In a.d. 413 Chandra 
Gupta II died, and his son Kumara Gupta wielded the 
sceptre of his father. Of his rule very scanty informa- 
tion has been handed down to history, but when he died 
in A.D. 455 it was to pass on to his successor, Skanda 
Gupta, the very serious task of preserving the imity of 
the Empire against the onslaught of the Huns. 

The savage hordes constituting these people poured 
into India from the Steppes of Central Asia, and came 
very near to conquering the Magadh Empire. Skanda 
Gupta, however, defeated them with much loss, and for 
ten or twelve years they were unable to renew the 
struggle. This victory was gained within two years of 
his succession to the throne, for the third and last of the 
inscriptions on the Asoka stone at Junagadh, dated 
A.D. 457, states that he had " already humbled his 
enemies." This inscription records the bursting of the 
dam of the Sudarsana Lake in the year of Skanda Gupta's 
succession. He had appointed one Pamadatta to the 
post of Viceroy of the Western provinces, who in his 
turn had made his son, Chakrapalita, Governor of 
Wamansthali. On the bursting of the dam, Chakrapalita 
had lost no time in setting to work to restore it. This 
was successfully done and the great work was commemo- 
rated by the building of a temple to Vishnu, and by the 
writing of the inscription on a vacant portion of the 
stone set up by Asoka. 

This inscription consists of twenty-nine lines, written 
in the Sanskrit language, and it has been translated as 
follows : 

Glory. Vishnu who snatched from Bali, for the 
happiness of Indra, that wealth which is worthy of 



enjoyment by his beloved devotees and which was carried 
off on various occasions, who has conquered misery, 
who is the constant asylum (or light) of that Lakshmi 
whose residence is the lotus, and who is ever victorious : 
May he be glorious. Next to him, may he (Skanda 
Gupta) be victorious, whose breast is encircled with 
wealth and splendour, who obtained the fame of a hero 
by his own arm, the supreme king of kings, who, acting 
as Garuda, does by his (Vishnu's) command, destroy 
the poison-like power of the snake-like kings with their 
hoods in the form of pride and conceit. The abode of 
kingly qualities, he, the far-famed Skanda Gupta of great 
wealth, who had already humbled his enemies, possessed 
himself on his father's attaining by the force of his merits 
the friendship of Devas, of the earth, which contains 
the gems of the four oceans, and is skirted by beautiful 
countries. He is indeed victorious, whose enemies even 
in Mlechha countries with their pride destroyed from the 
very root declare . . . his glory. Whom, Lakshmi, who 
in her wisdom having carefully reflected and considered 
all the causes of good and bad qualities, and rejected 
one after another the sons of kings, at last chose for her 
lord. Whilst this king was governing the earth no one 
amongst his subjects departed from the path of duty, 
was miserable, poor, vicious, miserly, deserving of punish- 
ment, or suffering from pain. Having thus conquered 
all the pride of his enemies and having established 
protecting officers in all the countries of the world, he 
began to think intently. " What person is there who is 
at once competent, and far-seeing, modest and with 
faith, full of wisdom and memory, who is endowed with 
truth, straightforwardness, generosity, moral worth, 
sweetness, talent, and glory ; who is greatly devoted and 
attached ; manly ; whose mind is devoid of every kind 
of deceit caused by the four Upadhis (viz. Dharma, 
Artha, Kama, and Moksha) ; whose heart is ever intent 
on the discharge of his obligations ; who is devoted to • 
the good of mankind ; and who by righteous means is 
able to earn wealth, to preserve and increase it, and to 
spend it on proper objects. Who is there qualified best 

33 c 

I 1 

! I 



to govern all the districts of Saurashtra amongst all my 
servants ? Yes, I know, surely only Parnadatta is 
competent to bear the burden." In this way this king 
of kings meditated for successive days and nights, and 
with firm resolve and earnest entreaty appointed him 
for the good government of the coimtry of Saurashtra. 
The king by appointing Parnadatta to the West felt 
secure, as the Devas obtained rest after appointing 
Varuna to the West. His son, full of filial duty, was, 
as if it were by independent Parnadatta, divided into a 
second half of his own self, who was brought up as his 
own self, who had always the knowledge of self, whose 
form was beautiful in itself, who was of manners as 
pleasant to all as his wonderfully beautiful form, whose 
face resembled one of the numerous expanded lotuses, 
and who afforded protection to those who sought his 
protection. He, the beloved of the people, who was 
renowned in the world by the name of Chakrapalita, 
excelled even his father by his naturally good qualities. 
Power tempered by mercy, humility, morality, bravery 
that boasts not, patience, forgiveness, charity, cheerful- 
ness, talent, gratefulness, activity, beauty, contempt of 
the mean, freedom from pride, courage, generosity — 
these and many other qualities in an eminent degree 
resided in him without interruption. There is no one 
in this world to be compared with him in good qualities. 
He being endowed with all good qualities became worthy 
of example to all mankind. The father (Parnadatta), 
having recognized these and other greater qualities, 
himself appointed him (Chakrapalita), and he in his turn 
protected the city in a pre-eminently good manner. He 
availed himself of the bravery of his two arms, did not 
depend on others, nor did he cause distress to any one 
from pride, and punished the wicked in the town. The 
people placed no small confidence in him in time and he, 
studying the character of the citizens, fondled them as 
if they were his children. He pleased his subjects with 
cheerfulness, sweet conversation, civility, liberality, by 
the familiarity of social intercourse, by respect for their 
family usages. He, devoted to Brahmanism, powerful, 


» ,,,^ 


pure, charitable according to the rules, enjoyed such 
pleasures as he could without transgressing religion and 
prosperity. What wonder that he . . . from Parnadatta 
should be virtuous ? Is warmth ever caused from the 
Moon, which is cool as a collection of pearls and aquatic 
lotuses ? Afterwards, when in the course of nature the 
rainy season arrived after the hot season, it rained 
copiously and continuously for a long time, by the force 
whereof the Sudarsana burst. When a century of years 
plus thirty (six ?) passed, on the sixth day of Bhadrapada, 
at night, counting from the era of Gupta, the Palasini, 
and the Sikatavilasini, rivers arising from the Raivataka, 
wives of the ocean, being pent up for a long time, ran 
speedily towards their lord. The Urjayata, seeing the 
endless deluge caused at the end of the rainy season, 
and desiring to serve the ocean, extended his hands in 
the form of rivers adorned with many flowers. All the 
people, despairing and crying to one another what to do 
and how to do, awakened in the beginning or end of 
night were overpowered with anxiety. The Sudarsana 
(good-looking) lake in this world instantly became Dur- 
darsana (ill-looking). Would the Sudarsana ever look 
as before and assume an appearance like that of the 
sea ? . . . He being greatly devoted to his father . . . 
having put forward Dharma (religion) ever beneficial 
sequence to its observers . . . for the benefit of the king 
and of the city, in a century of years, plus thirty plus 
seven having passed . . . Chaitra (month) . . . and whose 
greatness is known . . . having performed sacrifices to 
the gods with ghi and having paid them obeisance, and 
having satisfied Brahmans with gold, and the people of 
the city by entertaining them with proper civility, and 
also servants and respectable friends with gifts. . . . 
On the first day of the first demi-lunation of the first 
month of Grishma (latter half of summer) in two months, 
he, with great energy, and by expending immense wealth, 
constructed with great effort . . . whose total length 
is . . . hundred cubits, and whose breadth is sixty-eighty 
cubits, height (seven ?) persons' (height) . . . two hundred 
cubits . . . and with well-set stones made the lake 





Sudarsana . . . that might last till the deluge. May the 
lake ornamented with the sight of a strong Setu, adorned 
by Chakravaka, Kraunvha, Hamsa, and Dhuta birds 
ever moving in ripples, having clear water ... as long 
as the Sun and the Moon ... be prosperous along with 
a city filled with inhabitants ! May its sins be removed 
by hundreds of Brahmans singing the Vedas . . . century 
of years, also may they be saved from all kinds of evils, 
and from famine. . . . The description of the construc- 
tion of the Sudarsana is here finished. The destroyer of 
the pride of haughty enemies, possessed of great fortune, 
a banner of his race, the lord of the whole earth, a maker 
of numerous spiritual gifts for the sake of fame, and 
therefore [fit to be praised . . . the protector of the 
Dwipa, the lord of the great, the suppressor of the enemies, 
his son endowed with his own qualities, (? son) had 
offered his soul to the feet of Govinda (Vishnu), by him 
. . . and having been to the lotus-feet of Vishnu . . . 
with a great expenditure of money and time, who by 
his prowess has had in submission the people of the 
city . . . the holder of the discus . . . enemy . . . who 
with independence of action and with some motive 
became a man. To this discus-holding Vishnu, a temple 
was constructed by Chakrapalita ; . . . and . . . from 
the (Kala) era of the Gupta ... a century of years 
plus thirty-eight (having passed) . . . appears beautiful 
at the head of the town as if lording over the Urjaya- 
tachala . . . and on its top in the way to the sky shines 
forth the (lake) called Sundara. 

Such is the last record we have of the Sudarsana 
Lake. It burst again at some period unknown and was 
never repaired. Its very site, even, cannot now be 
accurately determined. 




(a.d. 470-760) 

It has already been noticed that the reign of Skanda 
Gupta was begun by a fight for the very existence of his 
kingdom against the hordes of White Huns in a.d. 455. 
Ten years after their repulse the Huns, in overwhelming 
force to wipe out their former defeat, and to make sure 
of victory, once more penetrated into India, and attacked 
Patliputra itself. This time they were more successful 
than in their former raid, and Skanda Gupta was com- 
pletely defeated. The Huns, however, had already made 
their headquarters near Herat, and were not constrained 
to annex the capital of their conquered enemy as a 
permanent capital of their own. Thus, although the 
Magadh Empire virtually dissolved, the dynasty continued 
to run on for many years. But the power of the Guptas 
continued to wane, and deprived of possessions and 
power, at the end of the sixth century a.d. they died out. 
Meanwhile, about the year a.b. 470, the history of 
Saurashtra again underwent a change. In this year 
Skanda Gupta died, and the bards relate that at the time, 
one Bhattarka, of the Maitraka clan, was Commander-in- 
Chief of the army. This man came to Saurashtra, and 
having declared his independence, established a dynasty 
which lasted for nearly 300 years. Having made good 
his footing, he placed a governor at Wamansthali (the 
modern Wanthali) and himself founded the city of 
Walabhinagar, where he established himself as King of 
Saurashtra. Walabhinagar lies buried near the site of 



the present town of Wala, some eighteen miles North- West 
of Bhavnagar, and awaits the exploration of the archaeo- 
logist, when many interesting discoveries will doubtless 
be made. 

Of the Walabhi dynasty we have many remains, 
chiefly in the shape of copper-plate inscriptions which 
have been found at various times and places throughout 
Kathiawad. These copper-plates are most interesting. 
They consist of two nearly square flat pieces of copper, 
each having two holes about three inches apart at the 
top, through which metal rings were passed, securing the 
two separate parts of the plate. They mostly contain 
records of grants of land, but their particular value lies 
in the fact that they bear names of the grantors and in 
most cases short genealogical trees of the Walabhi dynasty. 
In addition to these inscriptions, we have the evidence 
supplied by the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Tsiang, who 
visited Wala in about a.d. 640, when it was in the height 
of its power and a stronghold of Buddhism. He described 
minutely Wala as he found it, and from his remarks and 
the information obtained from the copper-plate inscrip- 
tions, it has been found possible to construct the following 
table, showing the names of the Walabhi kings : 


1. Bhattarka, a.d. 495. 

2. Dharasena I, eldest son of Bhattarka. 

3. Dronasinha, second son of Bhattarka, who is 

described in a copper-plate foimd at Jhara 
near Dhari in Saurashtra as he " whose crest 
jewel was greatly purified by his bowing at 
Dharasena's feet ; whose religion was to ob- 
serve all the rules laid down by Manu ; who 
was like Dharma incarnate ; who had pre- 
scribed the way of politeness and duty ; who 
had been crowned by the great sovereign 
himself, the lord of the whole earth, whose 



royal fortune was sanctified by great spiritual 
gifts, and who was a great devotee of Sankara." 

4. Dhruvasena I, third son of Bhattarka. 

5. Dharapatta, fourth son of Bhattarka. (But it is 

not quite certain whether he ruled at Walabhi.) 

6. Guhasena, son of Dharapatta, " whose glory was 

proclaimed to all by his forcibly subduing his 
enemies " and of whom plates have been found 
dated a.d. 560 and 568. 

7. Dharasena II, son of Guhasena, a.d. 569-589. 

8. Siladitya I, son of Dharasena II, of whom there is 

a grant dated a.d. 596 

9. Kharagraha, brother of Siladitya I. 

10. Dharasena III, son of Kharagraha. 

11. Dhruvasena II, younger son of Kharagraha, during 

whose reign in about a.d. 640 Hiouen Tsiang 
visited Wala. He was also known as Baladitya. 
Began his reign in a.d. 629. 

12. Dharasena IV, second son of Dhruvasena II, who 

made a grant of land to the Brahmans of 
Sinhapura, the modern Sihor, a.d. 641. 

13. Dhruvasena III, grandson of Siladitya I, a.d. 651. 

14. Kharagraha II, brother of Dhruvasena II, a.d. 656. 

15. Siladitya II,* brother of Kharagraha II, a.d. 667. 

16. Siladitya III, son of Siladitya II, of whom grants 

have been found dated a.d. 666-668. 

17. Siladitya IV, son of Siladitya III, who was ruling 

in a.d. 713. 

18. Siladitya V. 

19. Siladitya VI. 

20. Siladitya VII. 

While the Walabhi kings were consolidating their 

* There is reason to believe from the wording of some of the grants 
that Siladitya II did not reign. If this surmise is correct, Dhruvasena III 
and Kharagraha II also (being younger brothers) did not reign, and Siladitya 
Ill's immediate predecessor on the throne of Walabhi was Dharasena IV. 


K t: 




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power, stirring events were taking place in Northern 
India. We have already seen that in a.d. 455 the White 
Huns had been repulsed while attacking the dominions of 
Skanda Gupta, but that ten years afterwards they had 
again swarmed into India and overrun the Magadh 
Empire. The second invasion was conducted by a chief 
named Toramana, who became ruler of Malwa. He was 
succeeded by Mihiragula, who in about the year a.d. 528 
was driven out of India. There is little doubt the kings 
of Wala paid tribute to the Huns until this time, when 
they asserted their complete independence. 

In the latter part of the sixth century the Raja of 
Thanesar in the Punjab, who had married a lady of the 
Gupta family, conquered the whole of the Punjab, and 
began to build up for himself and his descendants an 
empire which extended from the Himalayas to the 
Narbada River. He was succeeded by his brother 
Harsha, a young man whose fame as a ruler became 
second only to that of Asoka. Although he did not 
attack the dominions of the Walabhi kings, we find the 
latter at Kanauj in a.d. 644 present as his vassal at a 
gigantic assembly of Buddhists at which Hiouen Tsiang 
was present. Dhruvasena II, who was King of Walabhi 
at the time, was connected by marriage with Harsha. 
Thus it will be seen that while the Walabhi rulers pre- 
served their independence, they were quite ready to 
acknowledge as greater than themselves the king who for 
the time being held paramount sway in Northern India. 

This is probably the explanation of their remaining 
lords of Saurashtra for so many years, and it was not 
until about a.d. 766 that they were overthrown. How 
destruction came upon them is uncertain, but tradition 
which is supported by the records of Musalman historians 
says that the Arabs came through Sind and Kachh, 
under Amru bin Jamal, in the time of Khalif Al Mansur, 
and completely overran their country. This was not the 



first time that the Arabs had invaded Saurashtra, for we 
learn that Junaid, son of Abdul Rahaman Al Marri, 
Governor of the Sind frontier, successfully invaded 
Hindustan between the years a.d. 710-740, but returned 
to his country without effecting a permanent settlement 
in the conquered provinces. Whoever the invader may 
have been, he effectively destroyed for ever the power 
which had held sway in Saurashtra for three hundred 
years. Of the city of Walabhi we get a fairly adequate 
idea from the account left us by Hiouen Tsiang, when in 
about A.D. 640 he visited the place while on his pilgrimage 
to all the best known sites connected with Buddhism. 
His account has been translated by Stanislas Julien, in his 
" Histoire de la vie de Hiouen Tsiang," and " Memoires sur 
les Contrees Occidentales," and from the account we learn : 

The kingdom of Walabhi is about 1200 miles in 
circuit ; the capital has a circumference of six miles. As 
to the products of the soil, nature of the climate, the 
manners and character of the people, they are like those 
of Malwa. The population is very numerous, and all the 
families live in wealth. There are a hundred whose 
wealth amounts to a million. Merchandise from distant 
countries is found here in abundance. There are a 
hundred (Buddhist) convents, where nearly six thousand 
devotees live, who for the most part study the doctrines 
of Ching-liang-pu which adhered to Siao-ching. We 
count several hundred temples of the gods, and the 
heretics of various sects are exceedingly mmaerous. 

When Buddha lived in this world, he travelled often 
in this region. Wherefore in all the places where he 
rested. King Asoka raised pillars in honour of him, or 
constructed " Stupas." We observe at intervals the 
monuments that mark the places where the three past 
Buddhas had sat, performed deeds, or preached the law. 
The kings of the present time are of Kshatrya race ; all 
are nephews of King Siladitya of Malwa. At present the 
son of King Siladitya of Kanya Kubja has a son-in-law 
called Dhruvabhatta. He is of a quick and passionate 



I ; fill 




nature and his intellect is weak and narrow. Still he 
believes in the three precious things. For seven days 
every year he holds a great assembly, at which he dis- 
tributes to the multitude of recluses choice dishes, the 
three garments, medicine, the seven precious things, and 
rare objects of great value. After giving all these in alms, 
he buys them back at double price. He esteems virtue 
and honours the sages. He reverences religion and 
values science. The most eminent men of distant 
countries are always objects of respect with him. 

At a little distance from the city there is a great 
convent built long ago by the care of the Arhat Atharya. 
It was there that the Bodhi Sattvas Gunamati and 
Sthiramati fixed their abode and composed several books 
which are published with praise. 

Such is an eye-witness's account of Walabhi at the 
height of its glory and power, and it is evident that the 
wealth of the inhabitants was only exceeded by their 
piety. Thus we see that Saurashtra still maintained its 
reputation in both respects, but the fall of the Walabhi 
dynasty completely changed the conditions. On an 
inscription at Baroda dated a.d. 812 is written " Sau- 
rashtra has lost its name of Saurajya from the ruin that 
has fallen upon it." " Ichabod " appears to have been 
written over its portals, and the details of the invasion 
which wrought so great a change will probably never be 
brought to light. The past has kept its secret well. 

The copper-plate inscriptions of the kings of Walabhi 
give us some idea of the extreme religious feeling which 
appears to have been prevalent. Buddhism was nowhere 
in a more flourishing condition, and it is most probable 
that the fall of Walabhi sounded its death-knell. Buddha's 
philosophy disappeared from India between the eighth 
and tenth centuries a.d., after running hand in hand 
with Brahmanism for over a thousand years. Perhaps 
too much time spent in religious exercises was the cause 
of Walabhi's downfall. Peace and prosperity had doubt- 


Vijaysinhji Gohel with Vachhani 

State Standard-bearer with Lungho Sumar, 
and Mace-bearer Fatu. 

A Rajput Guide and a Camel-drummer. 

Repulse of Kathi Cavalry by Dhandhukia 

Kathi Cavalry in full retreat 



'i : I 

I ! 


nature and his intellect is weak and narrow. Still he 
believes in the three precious things. For seven days 
every year he holds a great assembly, at which he dis- 
tributes to the multitude of recluses choice dishes, the 
three garments, medicine, the seven precious things, and 
rare objects of great value. After giving all these in alms, 
he buys them back at double price. He esteems virtue 
and honours the sages. He reverences religion and 
values science. The most eminent men of distant 
countries are always objects of respect with him. 

At a little distance from the city there is a great 
convent built long ago by the care of the Arhat Atharya. 
It was there that the Bodhi Sattvas Gunamati and 
Sthiramati fixed their abode and composed several books 
which are published with praise. 

Such is an eye-witness's account of Walabhi at the 
height of its glory and power, and it is evident that the 
wealth of the inhabitants was only exceeded by their 
piety. Thus we see that Saurashtra still maintained its 
reputation in both respects, but the fall of the Walabhi 
dynasty completely changed the conditions. On an 
inscription at Baroda dated a.d. 812 is written " Sau- 
rashtra has lost its name of Saurajya from the ruin that 
has fallen upon it." " Ichabod " appears to have been 
written over its portals, and the details of the invasion 
which wrought so great a change will probably never be 
brought to light. The past has kept its secret well. 

The copper-plate inscriptions of the kings of Walabhi 
give us some idea of the extreme religious feeling which 
appears to have been prevalent. Buddhism was nowhere 
in a more flourishing condition, and it is most probable 
that the fall of Walabhi sounded its death-knell. Buddha's 
philosophy disappeared from India between the eighth 
and tenth centuries a.d., after running hand in hand 
with Brahmanism for over a thousand years. Perhaps 
too much time spent in religious exercises was the cause 
of Walabhi's downfall. Peace and prosperity had doubt- 


Vijaysinhji Cohel with Vachhani 

State Standard-bearer with Lungho Sumar. 
and Mace bearer Fatu. 

A Rajput Guide and a Camel-drummer. 

Repulse of Kathi Cavalry by Dhandhukia 

Kathi Cavalry in full retreat 





i 1 

1 ! 








less brought with them a dislike for the use of arms and 
a false sense of security. Perhaps, too, an enervated 
and luxury-loving people had lost all their hardihood, 
and when their time of trial came they were unable to 
withstand the attack suddenly made upon them. The 
destruction of the kingdom seems to have been most 
complete, and to have been accomplished without great 
loss to the invaders. And so it has always been. Too 
much prosperity and luxury is inevitably followed by 

It may be of interest to reproduce a translation of 
one of the Walabhi copper-plates which rests now in the 
Museum at Bhavnagar. It was found at Katpur, a 
village near Mahuva, on the South coast of Kathiawad, 
and is in a good state of preservation. The two portions 
of the plate are connected by rings, and appended to it is 
the seal of the Walabhi kings, which was usually attached 
to such plates. The plate in question contains the 
account of a grant of a field made to priests named 
Vishakha and Bappa. It is dated a.d. 571, when 
Dharasena II ruled, and is written in Sanskrit as follows : 

From the conquering army encamped in Bhadra- 
pattanaka, Maharaja Dharasena, who had washed off all 
his sins with the water of the Ganges flowing in the form 
of the spreading rays of the nails of his father's feet, who 
is beautifully surrounded by all good qualities being as 
it were attracted to him by his beauty, the splendour of 
whose wealth is a constant source of comfort to his 
numerous friends, who has astonished all practised in the 
use of the bow by his power of natural strength and 
peculiar tact, who maintains good religious gifts made by 
former kings, who wards off calamities which injure his 
subjects, who exhibits an union of wealth and learning 
in himself, whose bravery is clever in enjoying the wealth 
of his foes, to whom royalty has descended in regular 
line and who is a great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of 
Maharaja Shri Guhasena, who had acquired spiritual 



I \ 

I' : 

i i 


. I 


merits by worshipping the feet of his father, who had 
even from his early age his sword his only companion, 
had shown marks of excessive valour by splitting open 
the temples of mad elephants belonging to his enemies, 
the cluster of rays from the nails of whose left foot was 
mixed with the lustre of the jewels in the crowns of 
enemies forced to bow to his power, who well deserved 
the name of Raja for pleasing the hearts of his subjects 
by following well the ways prescribed in all the Smritis; 
who in beauty, splendour, stability, deepness, knowledge 
and wealth, surpassed Kamadeva, Chandra, the Himalaya, 
the ocean, Brihaspati and Kubera respectively, who was 
ready to give promises of safety to those who sought his 
protection, and who, therefore, gave away everything 
belonging (to him) like a straw, who pleased the good 
hearts of the learned by paying more wealth than they 
desired as recompense for their work, who was like the 
joy of the whole world walking on its legs, and who was 
a great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of Shri Maharaja 
Dharapatta, who had quite washed off all his sins by 
bowing before (his) lotus-like feet, who had washed away 
all evil influences brought in the train of Kali with the 
water of his pure conduct, whose glory was proclaimed to 
all by his forcibly subduing his enemies, and who was a 
great devotee of Surya ; — ^younger brother of Maharaja 
Shri Dhruvasena, who was the sole conqueror of the 
herds of numerous elephants of his enemies by the heroic 
strength of his single arm, who was shelter to those who 
sought it from him, who was versed in religious principles, 
who was Kalpataru to relatives and friends fiilfiUing all 
their desires, and who was a great devotee of Bhagavan ; 
— younger brother of the lion-like Maharaja Shri Drona- 
sinha, whose crest jewel was greatly purified by his 
bowing at his brother's feet, whose religion was to observe 
all the rules laid down by Manu, etc., who was like Dharma 
incarnate, who had prescribed the way of politeness and 
duty, who had been crowned by the great sovereign 
himself, the lord of the whole of the earth, whose royal 
forttme was sanctified by large spiritual gifts, and who 
was a great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of Shri Senapati 



Dharasena, whose head, bent before his father, had 
become red with the dust of his feet, the briUiancy of the 
nails of whose feet was enhanced by the briUiancy of the 
Jewels in the crown of (his) foes when bowing (their) 
heads, whose splendour made the life of the poor, the 
helpless and the miserable worth living, and who was a 
great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of Shri Senapati 
Bhattarka, who had acquired glory by completely subdu- 
ing with the help of large and innumerable forces of his 
friends, all his enemies forced to bow down, who was 
devoted to the pleasure of mildness, respect, and bene- 
volence acquired by his prowess, who had gained royal 
fortune by the strength of hereditary servants, foes and 
friends alike, and who was a great devotee of Sankara ; 
proclaims to all his subjects, servants, drangikas (?), 
elders, chiefmen of cheats, permanent office holders, 
justices, ministers, princes and others residing in this 
kingdom and others, as also those whom it may concern 
to Imow, that he has given as gift to Brahmacharis Vishakha 
and Bappa, Brahmans of the Kasyapa gotra, with the 
necessary Sankalpa, for the spiritual welfare of his parents 
and for the acquisition of his own desired ends in this 
world and the next, sixty padavartas of field-land on the 
Eastern boundary of the village of Damaripataka, situated 
in Vahapalikasthali, with its surroundings and accom- 
paniments, with the grains produced by nature or brought 
by wind, and the right of taking gold with the revenues 
of the rights of forced labour, in order that they may 
both learning the Samaveda together perform the five 
sacred Yajnas (viz.) Balidana, Charuhoma, Vaishvadeva, 
Agnihotra, and Atithi. This to be enjoyed by their 
descendants till the Moon, the Sun, the Ocean, the River, 
and the Earth endure. No one should obstruct them in 
its enjoyment or cultivation as a charitable gift. Future 
kings of his line knowing that greatness is fickle and 
human life is unstable, and also Imowing that the merits 
of this gift belong to them in common with him, should 
respect and protect this his grant. Whoever resumes 
this gift or allows it to be resmned will be guilty of com- 
mitting the five great sins along with other minor sins. 





It is said by Bhagavan Veda Vyasa " he who makes a 
gift of land lives sixty thousand years in Svarga (heaven), 
while he who resumes it or allows it to be resumed lives 
the same niraiber of years in Narka (hell)." The resumers 
of land become black serpents residing in dry caves in the 
waterless land of the Vindhyachala. O Yudhishthira I 
the best of the lords of the earth, protect the lands given 
to Brahmans in former times. It is more meritorious to 
protect than to give. Many kings such as Sagara, etc., 
have enjoyed the earth, hut he who is the lord for the 
time being enjoys its fruits. When kings have granted 
any money for religious purposes that (money) is like 
refuse. What good man would resume it through fear of 
poverty ? This is written by Skandabhatta, the nego- 
tiator of peace and war, the 5th day Vaishakha Krishna 
Paksha of Samvat 252. This is the signature of Maharaja 
Shri Dharasena himself. The messenger is Chirbira. 







' 1 




(a.d. 875-1026) 

With the destruction of the Walabhi dynasty the history 
of Saurashtra again underwent a change. No longer was 
it destined to contain the seat of government of one 
unrivalled and undisputed power. No longer was it to 
boast as its capital a town among the most famous in 
India, and from this time may be said to have begun that 
influx of foreigners who established themselves in various 
parts of the Kathiawad peninsula, carving out for 
themselves those various divisions which nowadays form 
the many States into which the country is divided. The 
process of formation of these States has been necessarily 
gradual, and it was not until some time after the fall of 
Walabhi that their founders began their incursions. 
From this time also the recording of a connected history 
becomes a matter of difficulty for him who would chronicle 
it — not, as is often the case, from want of knowledge of 
facts and their sources, but because of there being almost 
a surplus of them. Each invader, as he established 
himself, laid the foundations of his own dynasty, and 
the history of one is by no means identical with that of 
another. The historian of Saurashtra is beset with just 
such difficulties as present themselves to the writer of 
India's past. Until the Musalman rule was firmly estab- 
lished there was no really connected India. In the time 
of the Mauryas the Kalingas had a history of their own, 
and the Andhras were no less powerful in their own part 
of India than were the kingdoms South of the River 




Tungabhadra. Even at a later period the history of the 
Mahomedan kings of Delhi differed widely from that 
of the Musalman rulers in the Deccan, and perhaps there 
can be no greater contrast than that between the histories 
of the Delhi Empire and that of the events in Southern 
and Western India after Vasco da Gama had seized Goa 
for the King of Portugal. Consequently in a history of 
Kathiawad a great deal of detail must be omitted. For 
the story of each ruling dynasty was recorded by its 
own bards, and even chronological connexion is often 
quite impossible. 

Of the earliest settlers in Saurashtra, whether indi- 
genous or otherwise, we know a considerable amount, and 
some account of them is necessary before it is possible 
to follow the happenings in the province after the fall 
of Walabhi. At the end of the seventh century the 
principal tribes, or racial classes, inhabiting the peninsula 
were Jethwas, Chaoras, Walas, Ahers, Rabaris, Mers, 
Bhils, and Kolis, and of these the two last named formed 
the aboriginal people. The influx of foreigners caused 
them to move from their jungle and hill fortresses, and 
they gradually disappeared almost entirely from Kathia- 
wad. Nothing much is known about them, and references 
to them by the bards of invading peoples are chiefly 
contemptuous. It is likely their skins were very much 
darker than those of the peoples who usurped their lands, 
and their meat-eating propensities doubtless found little 
favour in the eyes of their conquerors. They are, indeed, 
generally referred to as devils, and the Kolis of Okha, 
and Piram and Shiyal Islands were much feared on the 

After the fall of Walabhi the most important of all 
the inhabitants of Saurashtra were undoubtedly the 
Rajputs, as represented by the Jethwas, Chaoras, and 
Walas. These Rajputs have an interesting history. 
Before the third century a.d. the power of Buddhism 



had so grown that almost all the principal rulers were 
followers of that persuasion. But Brahmanism after- 
wards asserted itself, and, its sister-religion dying out, 
Buddhist converts became Kshatryas or Rajputs. The 
Jethwas are undoubtedly the oldest Rajput race in 
Kathiawad, and their history is so mixed with prehistoric 
legends that it is almost impossible to trace their descent. 
So far as these mythical tales go, those in respect of the 
Jethwas afford excellent support to Darwin's theory of 
the Evolution of man. For the bards say that when 
Hanuman, the monkey-god, was crossing the bridge of 
monkeys from India to Ceylon a drop of perspiration from 
his body fell into the sea, where a crocodile swallowed it. 
The result of this incident was the birth of the first Jethwa, 
and among many of the ignorant peoples of Kathiawad 
it is firmly believed to this day that the Jethwas possess 
tails ! But such a legend, interesting as it may be, must 
give place to a far more possible explanation of the 
Jethwa origin. The similarity of the name " Jethwa " 
with " Jit " and " Jat " makes it appear most likely 
that the Scythians from the North were their ancestors, 
and this is to a certain extent borne out by the bardic 
legend to the effect that the Jethwas were first established 
at Shrinagar. It is nearly certain, however, that this 
cannot be the town of the name which is situated a few 
miles West of the present home of the Jethwa family at 
Porbandar. In the first place, their first settlement in 
Saurashtra was not so far South, and what are now Morvi 
and Nawanagar were the places they first occupied. 
They do not appear, however, to have remained here long, 
and migrated to Dhank, in the Southern portion of what 
is now Nawanagar territory, where at the end of the 
first century a.d. Nagarjana Jethwa held sway. Subse- 
quently they built and fortified their stronghold at Ghumli 
in the Barda Hills, moving at a later period, about the 
year a.d. 1313, to Ranpur, and afterwards, in a.d. 1574, 

49 D 

"■-^ •^^•-<-~wiei*^7'"*^Kp5s»^ 



to Chhaya, a fortified place which lies about a mile and 
a half East of Porbandar, where they settled. Secondly, 
the village of Shrinagar, near Porbandar, yields no remains 
which at all justify the conjecture that such a powerful 
people established themselves there. With these facts 
to go upon, the most likely theory is that the Jethwas 
are an offshoot of the Scythian tribes of the North, who 
were settled in Kashmir in the first century a.d. After 
moving Southwards, probably through Sind, they settled 
in Saurashtra, and in the case of the village of Shrinagar 
but preceded the example of the American Colonists in 
giving names of places in the land of their origin to places 
in the land of their adoption. 

The Jethwa bards relate that the fourth ruler of 
Ghumli built the temple of the Sun at Shrinagar. There 
are no remains of any such building at Shrinagar in 
Saurashtra, and it is not conceivable that the sway of the 
Ghumli rulers extended so far North as Kashmir. Hence 
we are bound to infer that the Jethwa bards either gave 
long rein to their imagination or were the most accom- 
plished flatterers. One other piece of evidence favours 
the theory that the Jethwas were an offshoot of the 
Scythians. On Scythian coins the word " Kumar " fre- 
quently appears, and from bardic legends we find that 
after the founding of Ghumli in the seventh century by 
Shil Kumar Jethwa, the rulers of Ghumli were recognized 
as being " Kumarants." While established in their fast- 
ness in the Barda Hills they must have been at the height 
of their power and prosperity, for Shil Kumar Jethwa 
married the daughter of Anangpal, who was King of Delhi 
in A.D. 674, as a reward for valuable services rendered 
in war. Ghumli fell some time about the twelfth century 
A.D., when the Jadeja, Jam Bamanioji from Kachh, laid 
siege to, and captured, the fortress. 

After the extinction of the Walabhi dynasty the most 
important people in Saurashtra for some years in all 



probability were the Chaoras. They too were Rajputs, 
and very likely were of Saka or Scythian origin. It is 
believed that they and the Jethwas were of the same 
stock, and legendary history maintains that Dhank was 
the scene of their first settlement in Saurashtra. While 
the Walabhi dynasty was still paramount, the Chaoras 
separated from the Jethwas and settled in Okha, in the 
West of the peninsula. They did not stay there very 
long, however, and later migrated to Prabhas Patan, 
where they were settled when Walabhi fell. Patan was 
not the only scene of their incursions. In a.d. 746 we 
learn that a Chaora named Wanraj (the Forest King) 
was elected by Bhils in Gujarat to be their ruler. Anhilwad 
Patan, in Gujarat, became his capital, and after the 
destruction of Walabhi this place became the most 
important in Western India. But the Chaoras never rose 
to very great eminence, and it is doubtful whether all the 
country between Anhilwad Patan, in Gujarat, and Prabhas 
Patan, in Saurashtra, came under their sway. What is 
more likely is that they became two separate peoples, of 
which the Gujarat branch became more powerful. 

Wanraj died in a.d. 804, and was succeeded by Yograj, 
then Kshemraj, Bhuwad, Wirsinha, Ratnaditya, and 
Samatsinha in the order named. Samatsinha, the last 
of the dynasty, died in a.d. 935, and with his death the 
Chaora power practically died out. Chaoras, however, 
continued to hold sway in part of Saurashtra until the 
thirteenth century, but never to any great extent. Their 
name suggests that they were merely plunderers, the 
word " Chaora " being derived from the Gujarati word 
choriya^ a band of robbers. But the fact that they 
held Prabhas Patan and fortified it so well that they 
were able at first to beat off the determined attacks of 
Mahmud of Ghazni in a.d. 1025 shows that robbery cannot 
subsequently have been their only occupation. If, as is 
probable, they built the temple of Somnath, the riches 


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attached to which excited Mahmud's envy, religion must 
have played a great part in their lives. By some autho- 
rities they are reputed to have been sun-worshippers, but 
if the ruins which now exist at Patan be those of a temple 
similar to that which was desecrated, they must have 
regarded Shankar as their principal deity. 

The third of the three Rajput races of olden times in 
Saurashtra was the Wala tribe, and the Walas are sup- 
posed to have been the survival of the Walabhi dynasty. 
Whether this conjecture can be correct will probably 
never be determined. Bardic legends on the subject 
differ considerably from information derived from other 
sources, and the two can scarcely be reconciled. The 
bards say that the Walas came originally from Dhank, 
and were of the same stock as the Jethwas and Chaoras. 
Migrating Eastwards from Dhank, they established them- 
selves at Wala and founded the Walabhi dynasty. But 
from other records we learn that Bhattarka, the first 
King of Walabhi, was of a clan known as " Maitraka," 
which was not settled in Kathiawad. It is, indeed, likely 
that the Walas were descended from the Walabhi dynasty, 
but what the bards say of their previous origin cannot be 
accepted without further proof. 

On the subsequent history of the family the bards 
again differ. Some say that Shiladitya VII of Walabhi 
married a Brahman woman, and had a son named Kama 
Raja. He had a son named Writket, who made for 
himself a kingdom between the Ganges and the Jumna 
rivers. He afterwards established himself in Saurashtra, 
and ruled over a fourth part of the peninsula. Another 
account says that when Shiladitya VII was overcome, 
his wife, Pushpawati, fled into the jungle,- where some 
time afterwards a son was born to her. As the birth 
took place in a cave {Gufa in Gujarati) this son was 
called " Goha." To a Brahman was entrusted the task 
of rearing and bringing up the boy as befitted a ruler, 


""■7~^3-^r''5rrTjE7\ EJ ■ 


and on his attaining maturity he rose to power as a king 
at Bhandari, in Northern Gujarat. He captured Chitor 
and there estabUshed himself, afterwards migrating to 

It is probable the Gohel Rajputs might derive descent 
from Goha, though it was not until a much later period — 
about A.D. 1260 — that the Gohels were driven by the 
Rathods out of Marwar ; nor does this quite fit in with 
the bardic legend to the effect that Goha came to Sau- 
rashtra from Chitor. They claim, however, that Gohel 
ancestors were established at Mangrol in the eighth 
century a.d. 

Of the Ahers we do not know very much. Ptolemy 
the Greek mentions them as the " Ahiriya " people — a 
name which represents " Abhir," from which the modem 
word " Aher " has been evolved. They formerly lived 
on the banks of the Indus, and in all probability migrated 
to Saurashtra when the influx of Mahomedans into 
Sind from Persia caused them to move to save their 
religion. They were fighting men, and the earlier Rajput 
rulers made much use of them in this capacity. 

The Mers are generally supposed to have come to 
Saurashtra with the Jethwas, and there can be little 
doubt that they were formerly a Northern people. In 
Rajputana there are still many of them, which is evidenced 
by the district Merwara being called after them. But 
in Kathiawad they exist in comparatively small numbers, 
and almost entirely in the Porbandar State. They claim 
kinship with the Jethwas on the ground that in former 
days, when the latter found difiiculty in obtaining wives 
from among other Rajput peoples, they married Mer 
women. To this day, when a Jethwa sits on the gadi 
of his ancestor in Porbandar, the ceremony of installation 
is not complete until the Mer leader has made a blood- 
mark on his forehead with a cut finger. This survival 
does, in all probability, point to some blood-relationship. 



J. ,,. 



] i ■ ■■'■ 
l'. 1 


The Mers have always been most loyal to the Jethwas of 
Porbandar, whose armies in former days were largely 
composed of them. 

The Rabaris are said by bards to have come to Sau- 
rashtra from Hastinapur (Delhi) and settled in the North 
of the province. They afterwards went into the Barda 
Hills, and as they were formerly known as " Barbars," 
it is possible the hilly jungle country was named after 
them. They subsequently became split up, and one 
section became known as " Babriyas," who gave the 
name Babriawad to the district they inhabited. Like 
the Mers, they also claim kinship with the Jethwas through 
intermarriage. We gather from bardic legends they were 
a very wild people, who shared with the Bhils the un- 
enviable appellation " Devils." 

At the time of the destruction of Walabhi all these 
peoples formed the bulk of the population of Saurashtra ; 
and we see that the North was still practically uninhabited, 
while the Jethwas ruled in the West and the Chaoras 
predominated in the South and South-East of the penin- 
sula. But more important than either became the 
Chudasamas of Wamansthali, a town eight miles from 
Junagadh, now known as Wanthali. Of the early history 
of this family we have few records, but we know they 
originally came from Sind. After the fall of Walabhi 
the Governor of Wamansthali became independent, and 
his descendants ruled in Wamansthali after him until the 
latter part of the ninth century, when Wala Ram was 
Raja. Wala Ram had no sons, and the question arose 
as to who should succeed him after his death. It 
happened that among the Hindu tribes which had migrated 
Southward before the encroachments of the Mahomedans 
was that of the Samas, who settled at Saminagar 
(now Nagar Thatha), in Sind. Wala Ram's sister had 
been married to the chief of the Sama tribe, and her son, 
Ra Chuda, was selected to follow his uncle at Wamans- 



thali. Accordingly, at Wala Ram's death, in about 
A.D. 875, Ra Chuda founded the Chudasama dynasty, 
adding the name of his father's tribe to his own name. 
The Chudasamas quickly became very powerful, and 
from an inscription at Dhandhusar we learn that the 
rulers of all neighbouring countries regarded them as 
paramount. The dynasty continued to hold sway for 
nearly six hundred years, when the Mahomedans over- 
threw it and annexed its territories. 

Ra Chuda died about a.d. 907, and was succeeded by 
his grandson Mulraj, his son, Hamir, having died. Ra 
Mulraj, after making several conquests of neighbouring 
rulers who defied him, died in a.d. 915, and was followed 
by his son Vishwarah, who continued the policy of his 
father in conquering all who questioned his supremacy. 

The next Ra of Wamansthali, Graharipu or Grahario I, 
built the fort at Junagadh now known as the " Uparkot." 
This fort lies on a most commanding position in the town 
of Junagadh, and about one and a half miles West of 
the holy Gimar Hill. Its massive walls and strong 
defences must have made it a very formidable stronghold 
to attack before the days of artillery. The hill on which 
it stands is supposed to have been the site of a Buddhist 
monastery in the days of Asoka Maurya, and the finding 
of Buddhist remains on and near the spot go far towards 
showing that conjecture to be true. From its walls the 
whole country round could be seen, and in course of time 
the town of Junagadh came to be built round it, which 
in its turn was surrounded by a strongly fortified wall, 
thus making the citadel doubly secure. The word " Jima- 
gadh " means *' the Old Fort," and the story of how it 
got the name is somewhat quaint. It relates that between 
Girnar Hill and Wamansthali there was formerly thick 
jungle, through which no one could penetrate. After 
several Ras of Wamansthali had ruled, a woodcutter 
one day managed to cut his way through the forest and 


i ■ 






came to a place where stone walls and a gate existed. 
Near by sat a holy man in contemplation, and on being 
asked by the woodcutter the name of the place and its 
history, he replied that its name was " Juna " — old. 
The woodcutter returned by the way he had come to 
Wamansthali, and reported his discovery to the Ra, who 
ordered the forest to be cleared away. This being done, 
the fort came into sight. But there was none who knew 
its history, or who could tell more than the holy man 
had told the woodcutter. So the place became known as 
" Junagadh " for want of a better title. If this story 
is to be believed, either Ra Graharipu rediscovered an 
ancient stronghold or else after he had built the fort it 
was abandoned and afterwards found again by a later 
ruler. In common with most legends, the story above 
narrated does not contain any dates, but from the evidence 
contained in the Devyashray we may safely conclude that 
Ra Graharipu laid the foundations of the citadel as it 
now exists. 

While the Chudasamas were becoming powerful as 
Ras of Wamansthali, events were taking place in Gujarat 
which were destined to affect Saurashtra. We have 
already seen that in a.d. 935 Samatsinha, the last Chaora 
ruler of Anhilwad Patan, died. He had no son but one 
daughter, whom he had married to a man of the Solanki 
^or Chalukya) Rajput tribe. The result of this union 
was a son, who was given the name of Mulraj. Mulraj 
was brought up with great care by Samatsinha, who, 
before he died, nominated him as his successor. On 
Samatsinha's death, Mulraj succeeded him and founded 
the Solanki dynasty, ruling over all the territory possessed 
by the old Chaora kings. 

Before this time the Chaoras of Prabhas Patan must 
have come under the sway of the Chaoras of Anhilwad, 
for we learn that when Ra Graharipu of Wamansthali 
began harassing pilgrims going to the great temple of 




Somnath (Someshwar) at Prabhas Patan, Mulraj called 
upon him to desist. This request was met with scant 
courtesy, with the result that Mulraj took an army into 
Saurashtra and inflicted a crushing defeat on Ra Gra- 
haripu, taking him prisoner. Eventually the latter was 
released on undertaking to molest no more the devotees 
going to Prabhas Patan. 

Ra Graharipu died in a.d. 982, and was succeeded by 
Ra Kawat. From the time of Ra Kawat bardic tales 
of the history of Saurashtra begin to accumulate, and to 
separate the probable from the improbable is no light 
task. Colonel Watson has endeavoured to do so with 
much success, but many of the legends in the form in 
which they have reached us cannot be entirely accepted. 
It is likely they consist of a small amount of truth covered 
over with a greater amount of exaggeration or conjecture. 
However, in the absence of more reliable evidence they 
must be accepted for what they may be worth. Of 
Ra Kawat the following story is told while he ruled at 
Wamansthali — or, to give the place its more modem 
appellation, Wanthali : A certain Rajput chief, Viramdeva 
Parmar, held sway on Shiyal Island, which is one of a 
group of three islands off the Southern coast of Kathiawad, 
near Jafrabad. Viramdeva's great hobby was to capture 
other rulers and imprison them on his island inside a 
wooden cage, the site of which prison is shown to this 
day. In this way some thirty-six chieftains became the 
involuntary guests of the island warrior, but Ra Kawat's 
was the capture he most desired to make. Eventually 
he induced Ra Kawat to meet him on a ship near Prabhas 
Patan, and having thus obtained possession of him, he 
sailed to Shiyal and placed his much prized captive with 
the thirty-six others in the cage. 

Ra Kawat had a maternal uncle named Wala Uga 
of Talaja, and between the two there had been for some 
time considerable jealousy as to which was the more 


i ' I 

s t 


valiant. Wala Uga came to know of his nephew's enforced 
confinement and determined to release him. So, taking 
an army, he invaded Shiyal Island and slew Viramdeva. 
When releasing Ra Kawat, he accidentally hit him with 
his foot. At this, the erstwhile captive became angry 
and vowed vengeance on his uncle, which he afterwards 
carried into effect. Marching against Wala Uga with 
an army, he defeated him, and killed him near Chitrasar, 
in the Babria country. The ungrateful nephew himself 
died in a.d. 1003, and was succeeded by his son, Ra Dyas. 
During the reign of Ra Dyas his dominions were again 
invaded by the King of Anhilwad Patau, when Dula Raj, 
enraged at a lady of his family being insulted while on a 
pilgrimage to the Girnar Mountain, marched with an army 
into Saurashtra and captured Wanthali. Ra Dyas fled 
to Junagadh, where he was besieged in the Uparkot. 
Dula Raj, however, made his way into the fort, captured 
and killed Ra Dyas, and massacred the defenders. This 
took place in a.d. 1010, and after the death of Ra Dyas 
Dula Raj returned to Anhilwad, leaving a Viceroy to 
represent him in maintaining authority over the conquered 
territories of the Chudasamas. The Viceroy's rule lasted 
for ten years, and in a.d. 1020 Ra Dyas's son, Ra Noghan, 
obtained possession of his ancestral dominions. Ra 
Noghan, however, passed through many vicissitudes 
during the time he was kept out of possession. After the 
death of Ra Dyas one of his Ranis fled with Noghan and 
took shelter with an Aher named Devaiyat. The Ahers 
had become hereditary soldiers in the service of the 
Chudasamas, and were, indeed, to them what the Mers 
were to the Jethwas. On hearing of the place of conceal- 
ment of Noghan, the Viceroy sent for Devaiyat and asked 
for the surrender of the youthful heir. Devaiyat agreed 
to hand him over to the representative of the Raja of 
Anhilwad, and outwardly sent for him. But he gave 
private instructions to the messenger to the effect that 






his own son Wasan was to be sent instead. Wasan came, 
and Devaiyat was ordered to kill him, which he did. But 
he swore vengeance on the Viceroy, and on the occasion 
of his daughter Jasal's marriage his Ahers fell upon the 
Viceroy and his men and killed them all. Ra Noghan 
then sat on the throne of which he had been dispossessed 
for ten years. 

Devaiyat's daughter Jasal was then married with 
much pomp, and went to Sind with her husband. There 
a certain chief named Hamir Sumro endeavoured to seize 
her and marry her, and on her sending a message to 
Noghan, the latter marched on Sind and defeated Hamir 
Sumro, in this manner repaying to some extent all that 
Devaiyat and the Ahers had done for him while he had 
been in hiding. 

During this period nothing is known as to what the 
Jethwas and Walas were doing in Saurashtra. Their 
bards record long lists of names of rulers of the two 
tribes, but these are not at all reliable, and supply the 
only information to be gathered concerning the two 

In A.D. 1025 took place one of the most stirring events 
in the whole history of Kathiawad, for Mahmud of Ghazni 
attacked and completely destroyed the temple of Somnath 
at Prabhas Patau, and in so doing created one of the 
great landmarks of Indian history. Of the wonderful 
Temple of the Moon we are so fortunate as to possess 
such records that to make a mental construction of the 
same or to understand the grandeur and greatness attached 
to it we are not obliged to draw extensively on the imagi- 
nation. We have been left, indeed, the account of an 
eye-witness, for the great Arab commentator, Al Biruni, 
visited Somnath when in India and placed on record all 
he saw with much exactitude of detail. 

Al Biruni was born near Khiva in a.d. 973, and died 
about 1031. He made several tours in India, and devoted 




much time to recording all he saw and could learn of the 
manners and customs of the Hindus. He appears to have 
visited Somnath twice, once before and once after its 
destruction. The word " Somnath," he says, is derived 
from the two words " Soma," meaning " Moon," and 
" Nath," meaning " Master," and he gives the following 
account of the founding of the temple : 

The Moon was married to the twenty-five daughters 
of the god Prajapati, these twenty-five daughters now 
shining in the sky as twenty-five lunar constellations. 
The Moon showed special preference for one of them, 
Rohini, whereupon the remainder complained to their 
father. Prajapati advised the treating of all wives 
equally, but the Moon took no notice, and so the god 
made his face leprous. Repentance now took the place 
of indifference, and the Moon besought Prajapati to 
remove the curse he had inflicted. Prajapati said he 
could not altogether do this, but he would alleviate it by 
making the Moon dark for half of each month, and that 
if the Moon wished to wipe out the trace of his sin he 
should worship Shiva and erect a "lingam," Shiva's sign, 
as an object of this worship. Accordingly the Moon 
erected the " lingam " and temple at the holy place Prabhas 
Patau, and the name " Somnath," or " Lord of the Moon," 
was given to it. Patan itself is sometimes called " Sompur," 
or the " City of the Moon." 

This temple and idol soon became famous throughout 
all countries professing Hinduism, and by reason of the 
gifts of the pious, and the many thousands of pilgrims 
who annually visited the place, its riches quickly became 
no less great than its fame. Al Biruni says that every 
day a jug of water from the sacred Ganga (Ganges) River 
was brought to it, and a basket of flowers from Kashmir 
was daily brought to adorn it. Moreover, the harbour 
offered shelter to seafaring people, and the place was an 
emporium for trade between Saurashtra and many 




f ■ 

1, • 










Ibn Asir, another Musalman historian, relates that 
whenever there was an eclipse a hundred thousand Hindus 
assembled at the Somnath temple for worship, and the 
shrine was endowed with the produce and revenue of more 
than ten thousand villages. In the temple, he says, were 
jewels of most excellent quality and incalculable value. 
One thousand Brahmans attended daily worship, and a 
band of three hundred and fifty sang and danced at the 
gate of the temple, each one of whom received a daily 

Such was the place Mahmud of Ghazni was fired with 
the desire to loot, and doubtless he was actuated by the 
zeal of religious fanaticism. The actual date of this, his 
tenth incursion, is open to a certain amount of doubt. 
Ibn Asir says he set out from Ghazni in a.d. 1023, while 
other historians give October a.d. 1025 as the date of 
starting, and January a.d. 1026 as the date of the 
sack of Somnath. From other sources, however, we 
learn that Ghazni was regained in a.d. 1026, and so it 
is most probable that the year of departure from Ghazni 
was A.D. 1024. 

The strength of the force which Mahmud took with him 
is estimated as being thirty thousand momited men, and 
this army marched by way of Multan and Ajmer to Anhil- 
wad Patau, where the Solanki ruler, Bhimadeo, feeling 
unequal to offering successful opposition, fled to the fort of 
Kanthkot, in Kachh. Mahmud took Anhilwad, but did 
not remain there long and pressed on towards the goal of 
his ambitions, allowing nothing to stand in his way and 
sacking numerous towns and temples en route. On 
January 30, a.d. 1025, he reached Prabhas Patau, and 
immediately assaulted that strongly fortified place. The 
defenders put up a gallant fight, and the Musalmans were 
at first driven back on all sides. Next day another and 
more determined assault was made, and after desperate 
fighting for nearly the whole day, the attacking force. 










effected an entrance into the town. In the two days' 
fighting, and in the massacre that followed, over fifty 
thousand Hindus were killed. 

The victorious Mahmud at once proceeded to the 
Somnath temple to find out whether the stories he had 
heard of its fabulous wealth were true. A vigorous search 
in pursuit of treasure resulted in the finding of a compara- 
tively small amount, and the Musalmans were beginning 
to think they would be obliged to return to Ghazni only 
partially satisfied^ when Mahmud, in spite of the earnest 
protestations of the Brahmans — or perhaps because of 
them — gave orders that the sacred " lingam " should be 
broken. Accordingly a fire was lighted round it to make 
the breaking of the idol easier, and on its being smashed 
a profusion of jewels poured from inside it, such that even 
Mahmud was satisfied. The total value of the treasure 
carried off is estimated at £1,050,000, and the famous 
temple was completely despoiled, even its golden gates 
being taken away by the conquerors to Ghazni. Al 
Biruni tells us that a portion of the " lingam " was placed 
before the door of the mosque in Ghazni, on which people 
rubbed their feet to clean them from dirt and wet. 

Mahmud left Saiu-ashtra as soon as he had collected 
his treasure, and marched across the Rann of Kachh on 
an ebb tide to attack Bhimadeo at Kanthkot. It is not 
known whether this assault was successful or not, but it 
is certain that the Musalmans did not spend much time 
over it as they were in a hurry to get back to Ghazni, which 
they reached eventually via Mansuriyah, in Sind, on 
April 2, A.D. 1026. 

The effects of Mahmud's onslaught were long felt in 
Saurashtra, and the great temple of Somnath never quite 
recovered its former reputation and splendour. A Maho- 
medan Governor, Dabishalim, was left at Prabhas Patau 
and Mahmud himself contemplated settling there, but 
afterwards thought better of this idea, 


s i 




It is not known whether the temple was completely 
destroyed, but it is more than probable that the fanatical 
Musalmans left not one stone upon another. We leam 
the original building was of great size, and was supported 
by fifty-six pillars of teak-wood carved with lead, orna- 
mented with rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones, 
and each pillar bearing the name of a different ruler in 
India. One thing certain is that the present ruins of the 
Somnath temple are not those of the building described 
above. Hindus seldom, if ever, rebuilt a desecrated 
temple, and there is no reason for their having made an 
exception in the case of Somnath, especially since we 
learn that Bhimadeo of Anhilwad Patan effected a restora- 
tion. This restoration is bound to have been so complete 
that none of the original work could have been apparent. 
Moreover, a new site must have been utilized, for tradition 
has it that the temple desecrated by Mahmud stood upon 
a promontory washed on three sides by the sea. The 
Temple of Somnath now shown faces the sea on one side 
only, and, judging from the position of the town walls 
which surround it, it can never have had sea except on 
its South side. 

Mahmud of Ghazni's was only the first of a series of 
expeditions against Somnath, for no less than five times 
subsequently — namely in a.d. 1297, 1318, 1395, 1511, and 
1520 — did Mahomedan leaders take their men to attack 
it. The beautiful relic of Hindu architectural art now at 
Prabhas Patan is doubtless that which was built by 
Bhimadeo of Anhilwad Patan, and has withstood these 
five incursions and the ravages of time. To attempt to 
describe it is wellnigh impossible. It is very massive 
and imposing, and its inner shrine is octagonal in shape. 
The stones of which it is composed are cut with great 
regard being paid to symmetry, and the carving in relief 
on the exposed sides leaves nothing to be desired from 
an artistic point of view. The whole building reflects 




the best period of Indian architecture and is quite worthy 
of the famous Siddha Raj Jaisinha of Anhilwad, who is 
reputed to have undertaken the adorning of Bhimadeo's 

The gates of the original Somnath temple, which were 
taken away to Ghazni, have never been traced, and they 
are traditionally supposed to have found a resting-place 
at Medina or Mecca. 




(a.d. 1026-1415) 

Mahmud of Ghazni does not appear to have met with 
resistance in Saurashtra, excepting at Prabhas Patan, 
which was at the time of the sack in the hands of the 
Solankis of Anhilwad. We find no record of any resistance 
being offered by the Chudasamas of Wanthali, who were 
predominant in the peninsula. The Mahomedans can- 
not have wished for further fighting, especially since they 
were taking so much loot back to Ghazni with them, and 
perhaps Ra Noghan's hostility to the Anhilwad Rajas 
caused him to look on at the sack of Somnath with grim 
satisfaction. In addition he may have considered discre- 
tion to be the better part of valour, for terror of the 
Musalman invaders must have spread far and wide. 

Ra Khengar I succeeded his father on the latter's 
death in a.d. 1044, and enjoyed a reign of twenty-three 
years, undisturbed by fighting. His son, Ra Noghan II, 
followed him in power in a.d. 1067, and ruled with vary- 
ing fortune for twenty- one years. He suffered defeat at 
the hands of his hereditary foe, Siddha Raj, King of 
Anhilwad, and was altogether a truculent personage. Of 
his four sons, the yoimgest, Ra Khengar II, was appointed 
to succeed him on his promising to slay Harraj of Umeta ; 
to destroy the fort of Bhoira, near Jasdan ; to break 
down the gate of Anhilwad ; and to split the cheeks of a 
charan named Mesan, who had spoken disrespectfully of 
him. Khengar at his father's deathbed undertook to 
perform these tasks, and Ra Noghan died happy in 
A.D. 1098. 

65 E 



In about the year a.d. 1090 another family of Rajputs 
became settled in the Kathiawad peninsula. These 
were the Jhalas, who formerly ruled at Keranti, near 
Nagar Parkar in Sind. They were originally known as 
" Makwana," a word which may be derived from the 
word Macedonia, the c sound being hard. If this 
theory be correct, the Jhala Rajputs can claim Greek 
descent. In about a.d. 1055 the Makwanas were driven 
out of Keranti ; and their chief, Kesar Deva, being killed, 
his son, Harpal Deva, fled to Anhilwad Patau, where he 
besought protection from Karan Raja, King of Anhilwad. 
As a reward for certain services, Karan Raja bestowed on 
Harpal Deva that part of Saurashtra which came to be 
known as Jhalawad. The cognomen " Jhala " is derived 
from a Gujarati word Jhalwu, meaning " to snatch 
up," which was acquired by Harpal Deva's wife, who was 
of the Solanki family, through her rescue of their children 
from the onslaught of a mad elephant. 

The Jhalas were first settled at Patdi, in the North-East 
of Saurashtra; but the capital changed from time to 
time, and Mandal, Kuwa, and Halwad figured in turn as 
the chief town in Jhalawad, until in a.d. 1730 Dhran- 
gadhra was built, from which place the present head of 
the Jhala family takes his name. 

There are now, besides the Dhrangadhra family, six 
minor branches of the Jhalas who hold States of impor- 
tance in Kathiawad. The Limbdi house can trace its 
descent as a separate entity to Manguji, second son of 
Harpal Deva. Wankaner dates from the end of the 
sixteenth century a.d., when Sultanji, son of Prathiraj, 
eldest son of Chandrasinhji of Dhrangadhra, seized 
what now constitutes the State, with the help of the 
Jam of Nawanagar. Wadhwan formerly, with Wankaner, 
was part of Dhrangadhra, but dates as a separate State 
from about the same time as Wankaner, when Ragoji, 
younger brother of Sultanji, seized it. Chuda and 




Lakhtar were formed in the early part of the seventeenth 
century, and Sayla was conquered from the Kathis by 
Sheshabhai, second son of Raisinhji of Dhrangadhra, 
some time in the middle of the eighteenth century a.d. 

It was some time about the eleventh century a.d. that 
the Kathis first came to Saurashtra, but of the time of 
their arrival we have no accurate information. We learn 
that Ra Khengar (a.d. 1044-1067) had a number of 
Kathis in his army, and later we learn that Khawadji, 
one of the sons of Harpal Deva, the founder of the Jhala 
family, married a Kathi woman and founded the Khawad 
Kathis. But we possess no earlier records of the tribe 
which, because of its fighting qualities, afterwards gave 
its name to the entire province. 

The Kathis are generally supposed to have migrated 
from Sind to Kachh, where they settled at Pavar, and 
afterwards to have settled in Saurashtra at Than, where 
they became known as fine fighting men with a special 
propensity for stealing cattle. The last of the race in 
Kachh were driven out by Jam Abda, in the fifteenth 
century. They believe themselves to be descended from 
the Kaurawas, who in the distant ages before history 
may be said to have begun, induced Sakuni, King of 
Gandhara, to gamble with Yadhisthira, the eldest of the 
five Pandawa brothers. Yadhisthira lost everything, 
including his kingdom, and the five brothers were com- 
pelled to pass a year in seclusion. Duryodhan tried to 
find them by taking away cattle, which he was unable to 
do himself on account of his being a Kshatrya. So 
Kama struck the earth with a stick and immediately a 
man sprang up where the blow was made. He was given 
the name " Kathi," which also means " stick," and his 
descendants ever afterwards took pride in cattle-lifting 
and plundering. So much for mythical history. It is 
believed that at the time of Alexander the Great's invasion 
the Kathis inhabited a portion of the Punjab, and that 





they afterwards migrated to Sind, entering Saurashtra 
later on. Subsequently a Wala Rajput named Werawal 
is supposed to have married a beautiful Kathi woman 
named Rupde, and for marrying out of his class the 
Rajput was outcasted, and perforce became a Kathi. 
His descendants became known as "Sakhayat" Kathis, 
that is, Kathis with substance, while other Kathis became 
known as "Awaratyas." 

Werawal had three sons, Wala, Khuman, and Khachar, 
who gave their names to the three great Sakhayat divi- 
sions of their tribe now existing, and who occupied the 
part of Saurashtra formerly known as Kathiawad until 
the Marathas called the whole province by that name. 
The Kathis were a brave and warlike race, and acquired 
great reputation from their plundering forays. Their 
women are said to have been very beautiful, and the 
breed of Kathi horses became as well known as the 
peoples who fostered it. They were formerly sun wor- 

The Kathis are the possessors of a curious marriage 
custom, which decrees that a Sakhayat must marry an 
Awaratya, and vice versa. There can surely be no 

*^i,l-v''** »^» truer example of the democratic ideal than this. 

if*"^ While the Kathis and Jhalas were becoming estab- 

.inrf**^ lished in Saurashtra, the Chudasama Ras of Wanthali 

were still the most important rulers in the province. Ra 
Noghan H, before he died in a.d. 1098 removed his 
capital from Wanthali to Junagadh, and from that time 
the latter place began to assume reputation as being the 
most important fort in the whole province, in course of 
time surpassing even Prabhas Patau. 

On succeeding his father, Ra Khengar II marched 
against Anhilwad, in the absence of Siddha Raj in Malwa, 
and broke down one of the gates of the city. The wooden 
portions of this gate he took back with him to Junagadh 
as a trophy and erected them in the Kalwa Gateway. He 




thus performed one of the vows made at his father's 
deathbed, and after this successful foray against Anhilwad 
he advanced on Umeta and slew Harraj. While returning 
from Gujarat he assaulted and destroyed the fortress of 
Bhoira, thus carrying out two more of his undertakings. 
His last task, that of splitting the cheeks of Mesan, the 
charan, he overcame by filling the man's mouth with 
gold until he cried out (?) that his cheeks were splitting ! 

After Siddha Raj had returned to his capital, he made 
up his mind to march against Junagadh and take revenge 
for the insult offered him in his absence. There was 
another circumstance, also, which prompted this under- 
taking. Ra Noghan, his enemy, had married Ranak 
Devi, whom Siddha Raj himself had wished to marry. 
Roused to fury, he made a desperate assault on Junagadh, 
and succeeded in capturing it. Ra Khengar escaped, but 
was caught and killed in a.d. 1125 near Bagasra, a town 
about thirty-five miles East of his capital. Ranak Devi 
was taken by Siddha Raj, and carried away to become his 
wife. He offered to make her his chief wife if she married 
him peacefully, but she refused, and having cursed him 
she burnt herself as a sati at Wadhwan. 

Siddha Raj left a Viceroy at Junagadh, who remained 
but a short time, for the people of Junagadh quickly 
expelled him, and elected a new sovereign, Ra Noghan III, 
who died in a.d. 1140 and was succeeded by his son, 
Ra Kawat II, who ruled uneventfully for about twelve 
years. In a.d. 1152 Jayasinha Chudasama, son of Ra 
Kawat, ascended the gadi of his ancestors under the 
title of Ra Grahario II. He died about a.d. 1180, after 
a reign spent chiefly in plundering expeditions into 
India. He was succeeded by his son Ra Raisinha, who 
in A.D. 1184 was followed by Ra Mahipal II, known as 
Gajraj. Gajraj died in a.d. 1201, and his son, Ra Jayamal, 
succeeded him. Ra Mahipal III succeeded his father on 
the latter's death in a.d. 1230, and he spent much time 


1^ M 

h I 




in fighting against the Kathis. They defeated an army 
sent against them under one of the Ra's generals, and he 
was obliged to collect another force and to proceed 
against them in person. The Raja of Dhank, a Wala 
Rajput chieftain, supported him, but in spite of the 
strong combination against them, the Kathis did not 
suffer serious defeat. They even captured several villages 
belonging to the Raja of Dhank. They remained unde- 
feated when Ra Mahipal III died in a.d. 1253, and it was 
left to his son, Ra Khengar III, to complete the work 
his father had begun. Before his short reign of seven 
years was ended, he had compelled the Kathis to acknow- 
ledge defeat and to take service under him. 

Ra Mandlik I ascended the gadi in a.d. 1260, at a 
time when the Mahomedans were beginning to establish 
themselves in Gujarat, and to change plundering raids 
into permanent occupation of the country. The history 
of the Mahomedans in Gujarat is full of interest, and 
that of Saurashtra is indissolubly bound up with it. The 
Chaora and Solanki rulers of Anhilwad had been unable 
to include the whole of the peninsula within their 
dominions, although they were undoubtedly powerful 
enough to assume an overlordship over many parts of it. 
This course, however, did not suit the Mahomedans, 
who in course of time changed their position of overlord- 
ship for that of permanent occupation ; but not, however, 
until nearly two hundred years after their permanent 
occupation of Gujarat. 

The great Siddha Raj of Anhilwad died childless in 
A.D. 1143, and was followed on the gadi by Kumarapal, 
who ruled for thirty years. After his death in a.d. 1173 
the Solanki dynasty began to decline in power, and 
before it ended in a.d. 1244 it was able to put up but a 
weak defence against the overwhelming onslaught of the 
Mahomedans. Between a.d. 1178 and a.d. 1241 suc- 
cessive invasions were made. In about a.d. 1179 Shah- 





buddin Mahomed Ghori of Ghazni made a raid on Gujarat, 
but was driven back with loss. Sixteen years later he 
despatched Kutab-ud-din Aibak with an army, which 
plundered the country, but returned to Ghazni after doing 
so. In A.D. 1296 Ala-ud-din Khilji seized the throne of 
Delhi, and in the next year he sent his wife's brother, 
Sunjar Khan — more generally known as Alaf Khan — 
with his Prime Minister, Malik Nasrat Jalesari, into 
Gujarat. Having plundered Anhilwad he turned his 
attention to Saurashtra. Advancing on Prabhas Patan 
he destroyed the temple of Somnath, and occupied all the 
coast of the peninsula between Gogha and Madhavpur. 
This belt of country contained all worth having in 
Saurashtra at that time. It included all the most impor- 
tant seaport towns, and the possession of these alone was 
a source of great wealth. Moreover, it included the 
whole of what is known as the Nagher, the long and 
narrow tract of land near the sea which contains the 
most fertile soil in the whole of the peninsula. 

When Alaf Khan invaded Saurashtra, Ra Mandlik I 
ruled at Junagadh, and he defeated some portion of the 
Mahomedan troops. Whether they were under Alaf 
Khan in person, or were under the command of the 
Mahomedan Viceroy left to control the newly acquired 
possessions, is uncertain. The Viceroy, however, cannot 
have made much difference to the Musalmans. 

Some years previous to the incursion of Alaf Khan, 
another Rajput tribe had settled itself in a portion of 
Saurashtra. This tribe, known as the Gohel Rajputs, 
was expelled about a.d. 1240 from Khergadh in Marwar 
by the Rathods. Sejakji, who was the ruler of the Gohels 
at the time of their enforced departure from Rajputana, 
had married his daughter to Ra Khengar III of Junagadh, 
and this marriage proved to be most fortunate. On 
Sejakji's arrival in the peninsula, Ra Khengar made his 
father-in-law a grant of Shahpur in the Panchal district, 


•I 1 


I f 1 

l! ■ 1 


together with twelve other villages. Sejakji built a new 
village called Sejakpur, where he established himself so 
firmly that in a few years' time he was able to add to 
what Ra Khengar had given him by capturing from 
other neighbouring rulers other villages near. 

Sejakji's son founded Ranpur, which he made his 
capital. But this place was afterwards given up for 
Sihor, and finally, in a.d. 1723, for Bhavnagar, where the 
present head of the Gohel family rules, and from which 
his State takes its name. Lesser branches of the family 
are now established separately at Palitana, Wala, and 

The Gohels may derive descent from the ancient kings 
of Walabhi, chiefly because of the derivation of " Gohel " 
from " Goha," the name given to the son of Shiladitya VH 
after Walabhi had been destroyed. It may be noted, 
however, that there is another theory that the word 
" Gohel " is derived from go, meaning " power," and ila, 
meaning "earth." 

In about a.d. 1261 Wanthali is supposed to have 
passed out of the hands of the Ras of Junagadh, and to 
have been captured by a Rathod chief named Jagatsinha, 
in the possession of whose family it remained for over a 
hundred years. Ra Mandlik I died in a.d. 1306, and for 
the next two years Ra Noghan IV ruled in Junagadh. 
Ra Mahipal IV succeeded him in a.d. 1308, and reigned 
for seventeen luieventful years, when he died and was 
succeeded by his son Ra Khengar IV. The new ruler 
determined to rid Saurashtra of the Mahomedan Viceroy 
in the South, and soon after he began his reign he made a 
vigorous onslaught on the Viceroy and drove him out of 
the peninsula. Prabhas Patau and Somnath thus for 
the first time came under the Chudasama rule, and Ra 
Khengar rescued the famous temple from the decay into 
which it had fallen during the Mahomedan occupation 
of the country and restored it to its former splendom*. 






But his success against the Mahomedans was not to be 
for long, for Mahamad Tf ghlak Shah marched on Junagadh 
and spent two rainy seasons in besieging the fort, which 
he eventually captured. Ra Khengar, however, had his 
kingdom restored to him, and Mahamad Taghlak returned 
to Delhi. However, in a.d. 1346 another incident was 
the cause of a second visit being paid to Saurashtra by 
the King of Delhi. A cobbler named Taghan, who had 
been raised to power in Gujarat, raised a rebellion amongst 
the Gujarat nobles against the Mahomedan Governor. 
Mahamad Taghlak marched with an army on Anhilwad 
to restore order, and Taghan fled to Junagadh and sought 
protection from Ra Khengar. In a.d. 1348 Mahamad 
Taghlak again led an army against Junagadh and again 
reduced it. But Taghan fled to Sind, and Mahamad 
Taghlak, after subduing the coast towns and several 
petty chiefs, spent the rainy season of a.d. 1349 at 
Gondal, where he became very ill with fever. When the 
rains were over, he continued his pursuit of Taghan and 
entered Sind after him. But his health broke down, and 
finally he died at Thatha in a.d. 1351 with his object 

Shortly before Mahamad Taghlak came against Juna- 
gadh, the Gohel chief, Mokheraji (grandson of Sejakji, the 
founder of the dynasty) had forwarded the family 
ambition by capturing Gogha from the Mahomedans, 
and Piram Island from its Koli inhabitants. He settled 
in security on Piram, which was strongly fortified. Hear- 
ing of the loss of Gogha, Mahamad Taghlak marched 
against the Gohels, and in a.d. 1347 Mokheraji was 
defeated and slain, and Gogha recaptured. 

In A.D. 1351 Ra Khengar IV also died, and his son, 
Ra Jayasinha II, succeeded him and ruled for eighteen 
years, during which time nothing very eventfifl appears 
to have taken place in Saurashtra. He was followed by 
his son, Ra Mahipal V, who in a.d. 1370 recovered 



Wanthali for the Chudasamas. He died three years 
later and was succeeded by his brother, Ra Muktasinha, 
whose reign of twenty-four years passed by in peace. It 
was, however, but the calm before the storm, for after 
his death Mahomedan incursions into Saurashtra became 
more and more frequent and severe. 

About this time Sultan Muzafar Khan, then a Maho- 
medan general, began greatly to extend Mahomedan 
power in Gujarat, and Saurashtra of necessity felt the 
weight of his sword. In a.d. 1394 he marched with a 
large army into the peninsula and attacked Wanthali. 
Ra Muktasinha was powerless to resist the onslaught and 
quickly siurendered, being required, as the price of 
defeat, to pay a heavy tribute. He had previously 
acknowledged the power of the Mahomedans in obeying 
the order of Sultan Firoz Taghlak's Viceroy in Gujarat to 
remove his capital from the strongly fortified Junagadh 
to the less favoured Wanthali, and had agreed to a 
Mahomedan Viceroy being placed at Junagadh. He 
had even obeyed the order to take an army against the 
Jethwa chief, whom he subdued on behalf of the Musal- 
man overlords. And so it may be imagined that the 
resistance offered to Muzafar Khan was not very stout. 
After subduing the Chudasama, the Musalman general 
marched against Somnath, and once again the famous 
temple suffered desecration and spoliation. This was in 
A.D. 1395, and from that date Islam began to be firmly 
established at the place which for centuries had been the 
very centre of Hindu religion and culture. 

In A.D. 1397 Ra Muktasinha died, and was succeeded 
by his son, Ra Mandlik II, who remained at Wanthali 
and ruled for only three years. 

About this time momentous changes were taking 
place in Gujarat, the confusion caused by Timur's invasion 
of India being chiefly responsible. Muzafar Khan had 
tasted much power as Governor of Gujarat and Saurashtra 





under the Emperors of Delhi. But Timur the Tartar's 
capture of Delhi, and the confusion which ensued after 
his massacre of the inhabitants of that city, and his 
subsequent departure, gave Muzafar Khan the chance for 
which he had waited for throwing off his allegiance and 
for setting himself up as an independent sovereign. 
Accordingly in a.d. 1403 he declared his severance from 
Imperial authority and invested his son, Tatar Khan, 
with the sovereignty of Gujarat. Tatar Khan died in 
the following year, and for three years afterwards Muzafar 
Khan appears to have governed without being formally 
invested as king. In a.d. 1407, at the request of the 
nobles and chief men of the country, he formally ascended 
the throne and ruled until a.d. 1410, when he was poisoned 
by his grandson, Ahmad Shah, who himself assumed the 
sovereignty and built the city of Ahmadabad as his 

In A.D. 1400 Ra Mandlik died, and his brother, Ra 
Melak, succeeded him at Wanthali. One of the first acts 
of Ra Melak's reign was to remove his capital from 
Wanthali back to Jimagadh, from which place he expelled 
the Mahomedan Viceroy. Ahmad Shah was too much 
engaged with other matters at first to restore his authority 
in Saurashtra, but he found opportunity in a.d. 1414. 
With the change of affairs in Gujarat, the various rulers 
in Saurashtra, who had been made to acknowledge the 
iron hand of Muzafar Khan, endeavoured to free them- 
selves from the Mahomedan yoke. Thus we find that 
not only did Ra Melak defy the authority of Ahmad 
Shah, but Satarsalji Jhala of Jhalawad imitated his 
example. As the result of intrigue, Satarsalji was in- 
duced to throw in his lot with some Mahomedan nobles 
of Gujarat, whose idea was to stir up rebellion and oust 
Ahmad Shah from the sovereignty in the confusion which 
would ensue. This plan failed ignominiously. After the 
nobles had been defeated, Ahmad Shah attacked Satar- 


* !■ 


salji Jhala, and drove him to take refuge with Ra Melak 
of Jiinagadh. 

Ahmad Shah then returned to Gujarat, but he sent an 
army against Junagadh. Fierce fighting took place at 
Wanthali, and when this place fell, Junagadh was be- 
sieged. This fortress also fell after a short time, but Ra 
Melak escaped to the small fort on the top of the Gimar 
Hill, which is practically inaccessible to an invader. 
There the Mahomedans left him, but they received 
submission from all the leading nobles of Saurashtra, and 
left two agents in Junagadh to collect tribute. Ra Melak 
died in the following year, and was succeeded by his son, 
Ra Jayasinha III. 

With the establishment of a Mahomedan kingdom 
in Gujarat, having its headquarters at Ahmadabad, Maho- 
medan influence in Saiurashtra began to be very acutely 
felt. Religion has always been one of the strong pro- 
clivities of all Hindu peoples, and the Musalman invaders 
were never renowned for toleration in this respect. 
Accordingly, Saurashtra was to suffer greatly, for it 
numbered among its notable places Prabhas Patan, 
Gimar and Palitana Hills, and Dwarka, all of which were 
considered very holy to Hindus, and against which 
Mahomedan aggression was to be principally directed. 
The Emperor Akbar alone of all the great Mahomedan 
rulers understood the great advantage to be obtained 
from religious toleration in a conquered country, and had 
other rulers been imbued with his ideas of suffering each 
man to follow his own religious feelings, Mahomedan 
authority would never have been so particularly loathed 
as was the case. 

The result of such a policy was that fighting between 
Mahomedans and Hindus was carried on almost without 
interruption from the time Mahomedan authority began 
to assert itself. In this respect, Saurashtra and Rajpu- 
tana suffered very severely, for the proud Rajput rulers, 





in addition to being filled with an hereditary love of 
fighting, would brook no interference in that most precious 
of human possessions — ^the power of acknowledging and 
commimicating in prayer with the god which each con- 
siders guides his destinies and protects him. 

Another reason for the hardships endured by the 
Hindus under Musalman rule was undoubtedly the utter 
want of sympathy shown towards them by the con- 
querors. They made little or no effort to better the 
conditions of their subject people, and their principal 
idea was to obtain possession of wealth, and to work 
throughout for their own aggrandisement. The people's 
welfare was a very secondary consideration. And so, 
even when Mahomedan rulers fought among them- 
selves, the result for the Hindus was suffering occasioned 
from collection of tribute or from a state of war existing. 
Mahomedan armies moved as a flight of locusts, and 
the country over which they passed quickly became 
devastated and cleared of everything eatable or otherwise 

In spite of all these drawbacks, the prosperity of 
Saurashtra was not greatly lessened. The ports of the 
South coast still maintained their trade with other ports 
of India and with foreign countries, and the value of 
possessing a port in Saurashtra, even after more than 
two hundred years of Mahomedan domination, appeared 
so great to the Portugese that they let nothing stand in 
their way of obtaining one. 




■ it 



(a.d. 1415-1526) 

Ra Jayasinha III of Junagadh succeeded his father 
Ra Melak in a.d. 1415 and had a peaceful reign of twenty- 
five years, for Ahmad Shah was too fully occupied with 
affairs in Gujarat and with consolidating his newly 
acquired power at Ahmadabad to pay much attention 
to Saurashtra. In a.d. 1420, however, he was obliged 
to despatch an army to the province to collect arrears 
of tribute from certain of the chiefs. Sarangji Gohel 
was ruling in Gohelwad, and on a demand for money 
being made, his uncle Ramji, who enjoyed considerable 
power, declared there was not sufficient money in the 
treasury to satisfy the demand in full, but declared that 
a portion of the sum could be paid and suggested that 
Sarangji should be taken as hostage for the remainder I 
This course the Mahomedans agreed to, and Sarangji 
was taken to Ahmadabad. His uncle Ramji now 
usurped his dominions and made no effort to release 
his nephew by paying off what remained due of the 
tribute. Sarangji, however, eventually escaped from 
Ahmadabad and hastened to Saurashtra to recover his 
possessions. Those supporting Ramji went over to the 
side of the legitimate ruler, and Ramji, being left un- 
supported, abdicated in favour of his nephew. He was 
allowed to remain in Gohelwad, and lived at Dharai, 
near Monpur. 

Jetsinhji Jhala, of Jhalawad, was also visited by the 
Musalman army under Malik Mahmud Bargi. He opposed 





their advance with partial success, but found it con- 
venient to change his capital from Patdi to Kuwa. 

Ra Jayasinha III died in a.d. 1440 and was succeeded 
by his brother, Ra Mahipal IV, a man who is said to 
have been of a very religious turn of mind. He became 
almost an ascetic, and entertained all pilgrims at Somnath 
and Dwarka at his own expense. In a.d. 1551 he died, 
and was succeeded by his son, Ra Mandlik III, who was 
destined to be the last of the Chudasamas to hold un- 
disputed sway in Saurashtra. Much attention had been 
paid by his father towards Ra Mandlik's education, and 
when he succeeded to the gadi he is said to have been 
skilled in all sciences and to have been specially proficient 
in the use of arms. He was married first of all to a 
daughter of Bhim Gohel of Arthila, named Kunta Devi, 
who had been brought up in the house of one Duda Gohel, 
her uncle. 

Ra Mandlik's first military exploit was an expedition 
against Sangan Wadhel of Dwarka, because that chieftain 
had omitted to send a present on the occasion of his 
installation. A successful attack was made against 
Dwarka, and Sangan Wadhel was taken prisoner but 
afterwards released, and Ra Mandlik returned in triumph 
to Junagadh. 

Shortly after his return from this expedition, he 
received a message from the Sultan of Gujarat to the 
effect that his wife's kinsman, Duda Gohel, was giving 
trouble and ravaging territory belonging to Gujarat, 
and he desired Ra Mandlik to persuade Duda Gohel to 
put an end to his forays. Ra Mandlik replied that the 
enemies of the Sultan of Gujarat were his own enemies, 
and he marched against his kinsman. After some fighting 
Duda Gohel requested Ra Mandlik to desist from troubling 
him, but Ra Mandlik said it was too late for him to go 
back since by doing so aspersions would be cast upon 
his honour. The two then fought a hand-to-hand battle, 






ii; ' 

H I 

i-.[: ! 


in which Ra Mandlik killed Duda, and, after sacking 
Arthila, he returned to Junagadh in triumph. Arthila 
became completely ruined, and the branch of the Gohel 
family residing there moved to Lathi, where it is settled 
to this day. 

Meanwhile much had been happening in Gujarat. 
Ahmad Shah died in a.d. 1441 and was succeeded by his 
son, Mahomed Shah, who was poisoned in a.d. 1451. His 
son, Kutab-ud-din Shah, succeeded him, and died after 
reigning only eight years. Fateh Khan, his half brother, 
a youth of fourteen, was now elected king. In the words 
of the " Mirat-i-Sikandari," " he added glory and lustre 
to the kingdom of Gujarat, and was the best of all the 
Gujarat kings, including all who preceded him and all 
who succeeded him ; and whether for abounding justice 
and generosity, for success in religious war, and for the 
diffusion of the laws of Islam and of Musalmans ; for 
soundness of judgment, alike in boyhood, in manhood, 
and in old age ; for power, for valour, and victory, he 
was a pattern of excellence." This quotation, while 
displaying very accurately something of the character 
of the new Sultan, also gives us an insight into what was 
expected by Musalmans of a Mahomedan ruler. 

Fateh Khan took the name of Dinpanah Mahomed 
on ascending the throne of Gujarat, and to this was 
afterwards added the title " Begarah," by which he is 
generally known. The origin of this title is somewhat 
obscure, but has had two different derivations assigned 
to it. The more popular is that it is derived from 
the two Gujarati words be^ two, and gadh, a fort, 
and that the title was assumed after the capture of 
the two forts Champaner and Junagadh. The spelling 
of the Persian, however, conflicts with this, for the letter 
r is shown as soft instead of hard. The other ex- 
planation is that in Gujarati the Hindus called a bullock 
Bigarhy because its horns stretched out right and 





left like the arms of a person going to embrace, and that 
the Sultan had moustaches like bullocks' horns, hence 
his cognomen. He was a great eater, and he was in the 
habit of saying that he did not know how he would 
have satisfied his hunger had not God raised him to the 
throne of Gujarat ! 

A strong hand was needed in Gujarat to keep all the 
warring elements in the province in hand, and Mahomed 
Begarah was soon to show he was determined to be 
paramount both in Gujarat and in Saurashtra. He first 
of all settled all troubles near home, and having con- 
solidated his power in Gujarat, he turned his attention 
towards Saurashtra. The complete conquest of the 
peninsula appears to have been contemplated for some 
years before Mahomed Begarah found time in a.d. 1467 
to march against Junagadh. In the " Mirat-i-Sikandari " 
we read that in a.d. 1460 the Sultan one day went out 
on a hunting expedition, and held a review of his army 
in the neighbourhood of Kapparbhanj. After reading a 
prayer he said, " God willing, next year I will found a 
new city." While he read the Fatihah his face was 
turned in the direction of Saurashtra, which those present 
took to be some indication of his thoughts. It is most 
probable, indeed, that he did contemplate for several 
years the complete subjugation of the most coveted 
province adjoining Gujarat, and when he had made up 
his mind he was not a man to be shaken in his resolve, 
nor to desist from it until he had carried it out com- 
pletely. The story goes that Ra Mandlik quarrelled with 
his chief minister, named Wisal, and this man invited the 
Mahomedan to invade Ra Mandlik' s dominions. 

At this time Junagadh appears to have been sur- 
rounded on all sides by thick jungle, through which 
horses could not pass, and which were inhabited by a 
jungle tribe of small stature known as " Khants." Some 
remains of these people in the shape of memorial stones 

81 F 




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1; a^l 


\ 'h 

■■ ['■' > 

I, .t-t, 



are to be found even now at Bilkha, a town fourteen miles 
South-East of Junagadh. Having arrived outside the 
town, the Mahomedans proceeded to invest it. It 
happened that Ra Mandlik had taken the precaution to 
place all the women and children in the Mahabalah 
defile, to which, if the Uparkot and Girnar forts were 
taken, the survivors should proceed. Mahomed Begarah 
discovered this plan, probably from the traitor Wisal, 
and at once detached a force to hold the pass. The 
defenders were in small numbers, and Taghlak Khan, 
the commander of this detachment, quickly accomplished 
his purpose. 

Seeing this, Ra Mandlik made a sally from the Uparkot, 
but was driven back and finally capitulated. Mahomed 
Begarah was satisfied with his submission and returned 
to Ahmadabad. But soon after his return he learnt 
that when Ra Mandlik went to pray at the temple, a 
golden umbrella was held over his head and he wore 
clothes worked with gold and jewels of great value. The 
assumption of these kingly attributes so offended the 
Mahomedan that he assembled a force of 40,000 horse- 
men and sent them against Junagadh in a.d. 1468 with 
orders that the umbrella and other insignia should be 
taken from the Ra and brought to Ahmadabad. Hearing 
of the advance of the army, and of the reason for its 
coming, Ra Mandlik sent men to meet it, taking with 
them the articles which had given offence together with 
a large sum of money as tribute. The army then returned 
to Ahmadabad, and for another brief respite Junagadh 
was left in peace. 

But next year, in a.d. 1469, Mahomed Begarah again 
took an army against the unfortunate Ra Mandlik, this 
time without any preliminary excuse. The Ra, hearing 
of this, went forward to meet the Sultan, and made 
complete submission, promising faithfully to perform 
whatever might be ordered him, and asking the cause of 




offence which merited this third invasion of his territory. 
The Sultan repHed that there was no greater offence than 
that of infidehty, and that if he desired to be spared he 
must repeat the Mahomedan creed, and embrace altogether 
that religion. Ra Mandlik, now thoroughly frightened, 
asked for time to think about this proposal, and that 
same night fled back to Junagadh. 

Mahomed Begarah continued his march, and soon 
arrived outside the walls of the town, where he found 
the Ra awaiting him. The forts had been well pro- 
visioned in the meanwhile, and had been made ready to 
withstand a protracted siege. But a great deal of fighting 
of a desperate description took place outside the Uparkot, 
resulting in heavy losses on both sides, and after three 
days the defenders were forced to retire behind the walls 
of their stronghold. The Mahomedans now entrenched 
themselves, and for many months the situation remained 
unchanged. Finally, however, the defending force was 
reduced to such straits that its position was considered 
untenable. Accordingly the Ra offered to surrender the 
Uparkot provided the survivors were allowed to retreat, 
the object being to retire to the practically inaccessible 
stronghold at the top of the Girnar Hill. Mahomed 
agreed to this, but while the Ra and his troops were 
making their way towards the Girnar, the Musalmans 
attacked them in force and much desperate fighting 
took place. As the author of the " Mirat-i-Sikandari " 
graphically puts it, " Mahomedans in great numbers on 
that day attained the honour of martyrdom, and Hindus 
in crowds were sent to hell." 

Ra Mandlik, however, and a mere remnant of his 
forces, made good their escape to the Girnar fort, and 
succeeded in holding out for some time. But provisions 
became exhausted, and eventually the Ra was obliged 
to beg for quarter. This was granted on condition that 
he embraced Islam. After some negotiations the con- 


^ I 


dition was agreed to, and Ra Mandlik did homage, gave 
up the keys of the fort, and repeated the Mahomedan 
creed after his conqueror. He received the title of Khan 
Jahan, and Junagadh was renamed Mustafabad. The 
old name of the province also became changed, and 
" Saurashtra " gave place to the shorter " Sorath." 

Ra Mandlik surrendered in a.d. 1470, and he was the 
last of the Chudasama dynasty to rule independently the 
dominions over which its members had held sway for so 
many centuries. Junagadh became a changed place. 
Mahomed Begarah himself for some time took up his 
residence there, and compelled his nobles to build them- 
selves houses in the city. Learned Mahomedan Sayads 
and Kazis (priests) were sent for from Gujarat, who 
settled in Junagadh and in other towns in Sorath. Mosques 
and palaces were erected, and the province became a 
crown possession. For the collection of revenue and 
general supervision a Viceroy, styled Thanadar, was placed 
at Junagadh, and Ra Mandlik' s son, Bhupatsinha, was 
given a " Jagir " (holding) at Shil Bagasra, near Mangrol, 
where his descendants may be found to this day, occupying 
the humble position of tillers of the soil. So departed 
the glory of the Chudasamas, and Mahomedan rule 
became firmly established in their possessions. Ra 
Mandlik retired to Ahmadabad, where he died shortly 
afterwards, and was buried in the Manek Chok of the 

Although Mahomed Begarah had practically subdued 
Saurashtra by capturing Junagadh, there still remained 
a small portion of the peninsula which did not acknow- 
ledge his authority. This was in the Westernmost corner, 
where the pirate chief of Jagat, or Dwarka, still main- 
tained his independence. It happened about this time 
that a certain Mullah, or religious man, named Mahmud 
Samarkhandi, was on his way to Samarkhand when the 
pirates captured the ship in which he was sailing and 





turned him and his sons out on to the shore, where they 
were left. Their women, goods, and ship were con- 
fiscated, and the Mullah endured many hardships before 
he was able to lay his grievances before Mahomed Begarah, 
who was in Sind at the time. 

The sons were both young and could not make the 
journey through Saurashtra on foot. Accordingly, to 
add to the Mullah's difficulties he had to carry them — 
taking one for some distance and then returning to fetch 
the other. On hearing the accounts of his troubles, the 
Sultan treated him kindly and decided to subdue the 
lawless pirates. The Mullah proved most useful in giving 
him information about the roads and the country through 
which an army must pass to reach Dwarka, and Mahomed 
determined he would never rest until the affront to a 
Musalman were avenged. He sent the Mullah to Ahma- 
dabad, and shortly afterwards completed his preparations 
and marched against Jagat. 

On his reaching that place the inhabitants fled to 
Sankhodhar, a fortified island about six miles from the 
shore, where the pirate chief lived, and on which was 
collected all the valuable plunder taken from his victims. 
Jagat was left defenceless and was given up to plunder, 
its temples were destroyed and the idols broken up. 
After the sack of Jagat, Mahomed marched north to 
Arambhara, a place about twenty miles from Jagat, and 
opposite to Sankhodhar Island. The camping ground 
here was a hotbed of snakes, for the chronicler of Mahomed 
Begarah' s doings tells us that on the first night of its 
occupation seven hundred such reptiles were killed. 
Ships were obtained from all available places near by, 
and being filled with armed men they sailed to attack 
the island, surrounding it on all sides. A fierce fight 
took place, which resulted in a landing being effected 
and in the forces of the Hindus being routed. Many 
escaped in ships, but were pursued and caught. Their 


'■ li 







temples and idols suffered as at Jagat, the foundations 
of a mosque were begun, and a Mahomedan named 
Malik Toghan was left to govern the mainland and island. 

All the treasure on Sankhodhar was taken away to 
Ahmadabad, and the sack of the island recalled in many 
of its features the taking of Prabhas Patan by Mahmud 
of Ghazni four hundred and fifty years before. It had 
always before been immune from attack on account of 
its inaccessibility, and Mahomed was the first to effect 
its conquest. The Raja of Dwarka, Bhimaraja, was sent 
to Ahmadabad, there to be cut to pieces, and a piece of 
his body hung over each gate of the city ; and with this 
exhibition of cruelty Mahomed felt his task accomplished 
and returned home to his capital. Musalman adminis- 
tration was now introduced throughout Sorath. The 
first Thanadar of Sorath was Tatar Khan, an adopted 
son of Mahomed Begarah, but before very long the 
Sultan's eldest son, Mirza Khalil Khan, succeeded him, 
the Sultan himself journeying to Junagadh for the purpose 
of installing him. 

Shortly afterwards Waghoji Jhala, of Jhalawad, rebelled 
against the Musalman authority, and the Thanadar was 
obliged to march against him. The two forces met near 
the village of Saidpur, six miles north of Dhrangadhra, 
where a severe engagement took place, resulting in a 
victory for the Rajput forces. Mirza Khalil Khan then 
called upon his father for help, and Mahomed Begarah 
assembled a large army and marched on Kuwa, which 
place he invested. Waghoji Jhala offered a determined 
resistance, and but for provisions running short would 
probably have succeeded in staving off the attacks of 
his enemies. Finally a counter attack from the fort was 
decided upon, and the Rajput warriors sallied out with 
the object of vanquishing their foes or of dying while 
fighting. Before leaving their strong position, Waghoji 
Jhala had told the guards of his female apartments to 








watch his banner, with orders that if it were seen to fall, 
his Ranis should burn themselves to death at once. 
During the fighting the standard-bearer became exhausted 
and put the banner down, on seeing which the guards 
proceeded to carry out the instructions given to them. 
The Ranis, however, threw themselves down a well on 
hearing the news, and were drowned. 

Meanwhile Waghoji Jhala after desperate fighting 
managed to return to Kuwa, where he heard of the 
Ranis' fate, and he immediately made up his mind to 
go forth once more into the fray and to die a soldier's 
death. He obtained his desire, for after killing many 
of his enemies he was himself slain, and with him most 
of his principal officers. Kuwa was sacked, and ceased 
from that date to be the Jhala capital. Its fate created 
a great impression, and reference to it is still to this day 
among the Jhalas indicative of a great misfortune. A 
Mahomedan Thana was established at Kuwa, and a 
mosque was built there. The Jhalas had now to seek 
another capital, and Rajodharji Jhala, the eighth son 
of Waghoji (whose seven eldest sons had been killed 
fighting against the Musalmans) chose the site on which 
Halwad now stands. The story of his selection is that 
one day soon after the fall of Kuwa, while out hunting, 
a hare came out of the jungle and faced him instead of 
running away. Rajodharji attributed the hare's unusual 
courage to the good quality of the soil, and in a.d. 1488 
he founded Halwad near the spot. 

The next twenty years proved peaceful for Saurashtra, 
their quiet only being disturbed by dynastic troubles of 
the Jhalas. Rajodharji Jhala died in a.d. 1500, leaving 
three sons and one daughter. The two eldest sons, Ajoji 
and Sajoji, and the daughter, Raba, had for their mother 
a lady from Idar, in Gujarat. The mother of Ranoji, 
the third son, was the daughter of Lakhadhirji, the 
Parmar Chief of Muli. When Rajodharji lay at the 



nil til 


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( i 



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* > I 

»; ■ 

;i 1 .- 


point of death, his father-in-law, Lakhadhirji, arrived 
with a large following from Muli, ostensibly to be near 
his son-in-law when the latter died, but in reality to 
endeavour to get his grandson, Ranoji, placed on the 
gadi. He was so far successful that when Rajodharji 
died and the two elder sons left Halwad to attend his 
funeral, he locked the gates of the town and distributed 
money freely, with the result that when Ajoji and Sajoji 
returned, they found the doors shut against them and 
were obliged to go elsewhere. 

After a couple of months, finding that Ranoji's 
accession was favoured by the people, they journeyed 
to Ahmadabad to lay their grievance before the Sultan 
of Gujarat. But in this also they were forestalled, for 
Lakhadhirji's emissaries had preceded them and, after 
paying a sum of two lakhs of rupees, had obtained a 
confirmation of Ranoji's accession. The discomfited heirs 
journeyed into Gujarat and Rajputana, where they found 
service under the Raja of Chitor. They never recovered 
their lawful property, and died exiles in the country of 
their adoption. Ranoji some twenty years later was 
assassinated by a Mahomedan named Malik Bakhan. 

About this time affairs connected with the island of 
Diu began to assume a position of special importance 
among happenings of interest in Saurashtra. A sea- 
faring nation from the West had established itself on 
the coasts of India and was beginning to find out the 
places from which the great trade routes between India, 
Northern Africa, China, and the Persian Gulf could be 
controlled, with the idea of diverting towards themselves 
some portion of the riches and trade passing through 
those places. Their attention was inevitably drawn to 
Saurashtra, and the acquisition of the valuable seaport 
towns of that province and of Gujarat became one of 
the principal objects of their policy. So far as Saurashtra 
was concerned, however, after finding that the principal 


i 'I- 

.1 - I loff liflfil^ifr 



- 5 


, s 







seaports were under the rule of the Sultans of Gujarat, 
the Portugese decided to procure, if possible, a grant 
of land, with permission to erect upon it for themselves 
a factory capable of being defended. In pursuance of 
this plan they endeavoured to obtain possession of the 
island of Diu, chiefly because of its excellent position 
from a defensive point of view. 

Diu is an island about nine miles long and two miles 
wide, with an area of twenty square miles, at the Southern- 
most extremity of Saurashtra, from which it is separated 
by a narrow belt of the sea. It has a very ancient history 
dating from about the fourth century a.d., when its 
name was Dibu or Divu, and its inhabitants known to 
ancient writers as Divaei or Diveni. Philostorgius, the 
Greek historian, says that " Constantius sent an embassy 
to the Homeritse, at the head of which embassy was 
placed Theophilus the Indian, who had been sent when 
very young as a hostage from the Dibaeans to the Romans 
when Constantine was at the head of the Empire. . . . 
Theophilus, having arranged everything with the 
Homeritae, crossed over to the island of Dibu, which, 
as we have showed, was his native country." This 
must have been about a.d. 356. It is, however, open 
to doubt as to whether Diu is meant or Ceylon. Hindu 
legend tells that Diu was not an island until the middle 
of the eighth century a.d., and describes how at the end 
of the seventh century a Parmar Rajput named Vacharaja 
set up a principality at Diva Kotta (or Diva Pattana), 
and was succeeded by his son Veniraja. But after the 
dynasty had ruled for seventy-one years, Veniraja was 
drowned by an inundation of the sea, which made Diu 
an island. This account thus differs so much from that 
of Philostorgius, that we can only read both with interest 
but without accepting entirely the Greek account as 
referring to Diu, or the bard's story as genuine history. 
It is to be noted, however, that there is now one family 






i. ii 


of Parmar Rajputs in Kathiawad, that of the ruling 
house of Muli in Jhalawad, where they form one more 
of the many diverse peoples inhabiting the peninsula. 

Before the Portugese coveted Diu, however, it was 
a well-known place, and of such importance as a naval 
base that in a.d. 1510 the representative of the Sultan 
in Sorath moved his capital from Junagadh to Diu so 
as to be able to operate the more conveniently with the 
Sultan against the ravages of the European invaders. 
Previous to this, Mahomed Begarah had made a favourite 
slave, named Malik Aiaz, Governor of Diu, and in a.d. 
1507 this man collected a fleet and sailed against the 
Portugese at Chaul, where a battle ensued. He lost 
four hundred men, but inflicted a defeat upon his enemies. 
This feat greatly pleased Sultan Mahomed Begarah, and 
he showed great favour to his erstwhile slave, sending 
him a robe and other marks of honour. 

On November 22, a.d. 1511, the great Mahomed 
Begarah died, and was succeeded by his son Muzafar 
Shah II, who ruled until a.d. 1526, when he died. He 
was succeeded by his son, Sikandar Shah, who lived but 
three and a half months after his father's death before 
dying at the hands of an assassin. 

Mahomed Shah II, younger brother of Sikandar Shah, 
now ascended the throne of Gujarat. But he only ruled 
for three months before being deprived of the kingdom 
by an elder brother, who had before been driven out 
and now returned to rule as Bahadur Shah. 






:.! Ill 




(a.d. 1504-1572) 

The various processes by which the Portugese acquired 
their settlements in India form some of the most interest- 
ing episodes in its history. It was on May 22, a.d. 1499, 
that the navigator Vasco da Gama arrived at Calicut, on 
the Malabar coast, after having rounded the Cape of 
Good Hope, and after having had a venturesome voyage 
across the then unknown seas separating Africa from 
India. He set out on his return journey to Lisbon in 
September of the same year, and his accoimts of the 
wealth of India were so inspiring that in the following 
year an expedition under Pedro Alvarez Cabral was 
despatched from Portugal. This expedition arrived at 
Calicut the same year, and the first Portugese factory 
was founded there, which was broken up, however, on 
the return of the expedition to Lisbon in a.d. 1501. 

Two years later Alfonso da Albuquerque arrived in 
India in command of a third expedition, who saw that if 
trade was to be maintained, the settlers must fortify 
their settlements so as to be able to engage in commerce 
with safety. Accordingly he established a factory and 
built a fort at Cochin, and three years later, taking a 
fleet of sixteen ships and a number of troops, he settled 
at and fortified Goa and began trading and fighting on a 
large scale. Using Goa as his base, he sought far and 
wide for the places he desired which could control all the 
export and import trade of Western India, and the 
routes by which such trade passed. This search inevit- 


i H 


ably led him Northwards towards Gujarat and Saurashtra, 
and his arrival off those coasts created consternation and 
a certain amount of fear among the inhabitants. He had 
established such a reputation for himself and the Portu- 
gese arms by the capture of Calicut and Goa, that dread 
of him had spread far and wide. In a.d. 1507 a Portu- 
gese fleet arrived at Chaul, where we have already seen 
that Malik Aiaz, Governor of Sorath, sailed against it 
and defeated it with loss. 

But this reverse only checked for a time the Portugese 
advance, and at the end of a.d. 1508 another expedition 
was sent Northwards under Dom Francisca da Almeida, 
which came up with a Musalman fleet under Malik Aiaz 
and Emir Hussain off Diu. On February 2, 1509, an 
engagement was fought, which resulted after a whole 
day's fighting in the complete defeat of the Maho- 
medans, the losses, as computed by the Portugese, 
being twenty-two Portugese slain and three thousand 
of their enemies. Next year Mahomed Begarah offered 
Diu to the Portugese, but Albuquerque considered 
that he had not sufficient forces to hold it, owing to its 
proximity to powerful enemies, active and potential, 
and accordingly he refused the offer, intending to obtain 
possession of the island when circumstances became more 
favourable. Three years later, Albuquerque sailed to 
Aden, which he failed to capture, and returned to India 
by way of the Persian Gulf. After capturing Ormuz, the 
chief seat of Persian commerce, he sailed to Diu. By 
this time Malik Aiaz had assumed a certain indepen- 
dence of the Sultan of Gujarat, whom he nominally 
served, and when Albuquerque asked that the gift of 
Diu made three years earlier should be ratified, he 
bitterly opposed the suggestion, and submitted that the 
Portuguese should not be allowed to build a fort on 
the island. Eventually, however, he consented to the 
establishment of a factory, whereupon Albuquerque left 








one ship at Diu and sailed with the remainder of the 
fleet to Goa. 

In A.D. 1523 Malik Aiaz fell into disgrace as the 
result of his assumption of independence of his sovereign, 
and died the same year while still holding charge of the 
administration of Sorath at Diu. Malik Aiaz, supposed 
by some authorities to have been a renegade Portugese 
turned Mahomedan, had had an adventurous life. 
Originally a purchased slave, he obtained in course of 
time such influence over Sultan Mahomed Begarah that 
he rose to be one of the principal men in the service of 
that sovereign. On being appointed to the Governorship 
of Sorath he lost no time in perceiving that a Portugese 
footing in the province could result in the establishment 
of a colony as at Goa, and he immediately set himself to 
oppose the realization of the idea by every means in his 
power. His victory at Chaul increased his prestige, and the 
fact of his having removed the headquarters of the adminis- 
tration of Sorath from Junagadh to Diu strengthened his 
position in every way. The Portugese were thus unable 
to occupy the island by a sudden attack, and the circum- 
stance formed an excellent reason against the peaceful 
surrender of the fort by the Sultan at Ahmadabad. 

Malik Aiaz fortified Diu, laid out gardens on the island, 
and built a bridge connecting it with the mainland. He lived 
in regal splendour, and many tales are told of his liberality 
and generosity. On several occasions he was called upon 
for assistance, both by Mahomed Begarah and by 
Mahomed Shah II, and on each occasion distinguished 
himself. But finally his pride overcame his prudence, 
and he quarrelled with other nobles, eventually bringing 
the wrath of Sultan Muzafar Shah II on his head in 
A.D. 1523 on account of his independent conduct during 
a campaign against Rana Sanka, Raja of Chitor. Malik 
Aiaz left three sons, one of whom, Malik Ishak, afterwards 
attained a certain notoriety. 



;l I 


V, I 


In A.D. 1523 Mansinhji of Jhalawad succeeded his 
father Ranoji, who had been assassinated by the Maho- 
medan MaHk Bakhan, and he at once determined to 
avenge his father's death. Accordingly he marched on 
Dasada and took that place, killing Shahjio, the son of 
Malik Bakhan. Sultan Bahadur Shah was at that time 
absent in Malwa, so he sent Khan Khanan against 
Mansinhji, who was soon defeated and obliged to save his 
life by flight. He made his way to Kachh, where he 
sought refuge with the Rao of that country. The whole 
of Mansinhji's possessions were confiscated by the Sultan, 
and the outlaw and his two brothers occupied themselves 
in making repeated forays against the Mahomedans in 
Jhalawad. Finding, however, that this plan of action 
did not result in his being reinstated in his dominions, 
Mansinhji eventually decided to throw himself on the 
mercy of Sultan Bahadur Shah and to surrender to him 
in person. Shortly afterwards he took advantage of one 
of the Sultan's visits to Diu to carry out his design, and 
arming himself from head to foot, he obtained admission 
to the camp and presented himself before the Sultan in 
his sleeping-tent. He replied to a query as to who he 
was by saying he had come to ask for the restitution of 
Jhalawad to himself, as he was the outlaw Mansinhji. 
At the same time he made complete submission by 
placing his weapons before the Sultan. Bahadur Shah 
was touched by his bearing and pluck, and after hearing 
the account of his doings since he was deprived of his 
State, he treated him generously and restored to him the 
property of which he had been dispossessed, but with the 
exception of Mandal and Viramgam. 

After the death of Malik Aiaz, the Sultan of Gujarat 
appears to have realized the wisdom of his Viceroy's 
policy in doing all in his power to prevent the Portugese 
from establishing themselves on the coasts of Gujarat 
and Saurashtra, for he made numerous visits to Cambay, 





Broach, and Diu. In a.d. 1527, while at Cambay, Malik 
Ilias, one of the sons of Malik Aiaz, informed him that 
his elder brother, Malik Ishak, had been instigated by 
certain chiefs in Saurashtra to revolt. He had marched 
with a force of five thousand horsemen from Nawanagar 
towards Diu, intending to take that island, and after 
plundering it to hand it over to the Portugese, who 
were in the neighbourhood. The Sultan immediately 
gave orders for his army to march to the relief of Diu, 
and proceeded to Jasdan and thence to Deoli, a place 
near Junagadh, where he learnt that Malik Ishak on 
hearing of the advance of the army had fled towards the 
Rann of Kachh. Remaining encamped at Deoli, the 
Sultan despatched one of his generals. Khan Khanan, to 
pursue the offender, and to bring him back alive or dead. 
Before the Khan could come up, the Mahomedan 
Governor of Morvi, Taghlak Khan, came out to attack 
Malik Ishak, but was defeated, and the rebel made good 
his escape across the Rann. After waiting for ten days 
at Deoli, the Sultan marched to Mangrol, then to Chorwad, 
and after that to Diu. He remained about a month in 
the neighbourhood of the island, and after placing new 
governors both at Diu and Junagadh, he returned home. 
In the following year he again visited Diu, but remained 
there only a short time. 

Later on in the same year, while at Cambay, news 
came to him from Diu that a Portugese ship had come 
into the harbour, and had been captured by the Governor, 
who had imprisoned the crew and seized the cargo. The 
Sultan immediately proceeded once more to Diu, where 
the prisoners were paraded before him, and allowed to 
choose between embracing Mahomedanism or death. 
Musalman writers declare the former course was taken 
by all, but the Portugese historians deny that any such 
conversion to Islam was made. Two years later the 
Sultan again visited Diu, there to meet a party of Turks 


f< 1 

I I 

if ! 

ii ! 

( *l 

11 ^ 

I [ 
i I 


under one Mustapha, who had come in a fleet of ships to 
take part in the defence of Diu against the Portugese. 
A new governor of Diu was now appointed in the person 
of Mahk Toghan, third son of MaUk Aiaz, after which 
Bahadur Shah returned to Cambay. 

In A.D. 1531 the Portugese captured Mangrol, and 
the next year again endeavoured to obtain possession of 
Diu, but with no more success than had attended their 
previous attempts. A large force sailed as far as the 
island, but got no farther, and was obliged to retreat. 
Shortly after this Gujarat passed temporarily out of the 
rule of Bahadur Shah. A quarrel arose between him 
and the Emperor Humayun of Delhi over the shelter 
afforded a fugitive from the Emperor's dominions. Baha- 
dur Shah wrote an insolent letter, after receiving which 
Huma5am decided to attack him. Sultan Bahadur Shah 
affected to despise the Emperor, and treated the news of 
his advance so lightly that although he was besieging 
Chitor at the time, he did not desist from the siege nor 
prepare to make a stand against the powerful foe whose 
anger he had invoked. He succeeded in capturing 
Chitor, but was too late to recover after the trials of the 
siege to make adequate preparations against Humayun's 
attack. Consequently, when the two armies met the 
result was almost a foregone conclusion. The army of 
Gujarat was routed and Bahadur Shah fled by way of 
Cambay to Diu, while Humayun and his army overran 
the Sultan's dominions, and did not desist until he was 
obliged to return to Agra on account of news being 
received of a rebellion in Behar. He left governors at 
all the important places in Gujarat, and the whole of 
the Sultan's dominions except Saurashtra came under the 
sway of the Emperor of Delhi. 

Scarcely had Humayun left the country, however, 
when all the nobles of Gujarat rose against the governors 
he had left, and on his being requested to join in an 





effort to regain the kingdom, Bahadur Shah left Diu and 
returned to Ahmadabad. The whole of Gujarat joined 
the Sultan in his effort to drive out the Moghals and to 
recover his country, and after a little fighting the Moghal 
governors were expelled, and Bahadur Shah again ruled. 

Diu-ing his enforced retreat at Diu the Sultan had 
made friends with the Portugese, who had shown him 
much honour and had promised him all assistance in 
recovering his kingdom. After many protestations of 
friendship had taken place on both sides, the Portugese 
preferred a request for permission to build a fort, saying 
that merchants who came to Diu were obliged to leave 
their goods in insecure places, and their request was 
granted. History relates that they asked for only so 
much land as a cow's hide covered, but when permission 
had been given, the hide was cut into very narrow strips, 
which were joined together, and a wall was built round 
the land so enclosed. But credence can scarcely be given 
to this story. The Sultan returned to Gujarat, and 
after he had gone the fort was rapidly and solidly built 
and strongly fortified. A treaty of alliance was made 
between the Sultan and Nuno da Cunha, Viceroy of 
Portugese India. After regaining his dominions, Baha- 
dur Shah regretted having allowed the Portugese to 
build a fort from which they could not be evicted without 
great difficulty. Towards the end of a.d. 1535 he arrived 
at Diu with the intention of getting the Portugese 
Commander into his possession and by using him as a 
hostage to oblige his men to leave the fort. But the 
Commander suspected some treachery, and was on his 
guard against it from the time he heard of the Sultan's 
return to the village of Khokata, on the mainland opposite 
the island, where he had encamped. 

One of the Sultan's attendants, Nur Mahamad Khalil 
by name, was sent to the fort with instructions to bring 
the Commander to the mainland by whatever artifice. 

97 Q 



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He was well received and hospitably treated, with the 
result that he partook of too much wine, and on being 
asked by the Portugese what thcj Sultan's intentions 
were, replied in such a way that the suspicion of treachery 
in the Commander's mind became confirmed. The 
Sultan's attendant remained a night in the fort, and 
next morning was informed by the Commander that he 
regretted he was unwell and unable to visit the Sultan. 
Nur Mahamad Khalil then returned to his master's camp, 
and fearing Bahadur Shah's displeasure, only told him 
part of what had been the result of his interview, declar- 
ing, indeed, that the Portugese Commander could not 
visit him through fear. To remove this supposed appre- 
hension, the Sultan determined to go himself and reassure 
the Commander, hoping to induce him to pay a visit to 
his camp afterwards. Accordingly, taking with him six 
unarmed attendants, he crossed the creek in a boat on 
February 14, 1537, and entered the fort. Every honour 
was there shown him. Gold-embroidered cloths were set 
down for him to walk on, and vast quantities of rose- 
water were strewn about to allay the dust and to remove 
the odour of the sea. Plates of gold and jewels were 
waved round the Sultan's head, and he was seated on a 
chair of honour. 

Some conversation ensued, and at a prearranged 
signal the Portugese drew their swords. Bahadur Shah 
now saw his plans had miscarried and had been turned 
against himself, and he endeavoured to regain his boat 
with his officers. He had almost reached it when he was 
killed by a sword-cut, all the attendants also being killed, 
and their bodies thrown into the sea. It is supposed 
that after Bahadur Shah had regained possession of his 
territory, he had written to certain kings in the Deccan, 
inviting an alliance against the Portugese, and that one 
such letter had come into the hands of the Portugese 
Viceroy at Goa. News of the intended treachery was 





at once sent to the Commander of the Diu fort, who 
was thus prepared to meet his erstwhile ally on equal 

On the death of Bahadur Shah II, his nephew, 
Mahomed Shah Asiri, was invited by the nobles of Gujarat 
to be Sultan, but he died shortly after his accession and 
was succeeded by another nephew of Bahadur Shah, 
Mahomed Khan III, who was at the time of his uncle's 
death in confinement and living at Biawal in Khandesh. 
He had been born in Saurashtra in a.d. 1526, and was 
thus eleven years old at the time of his accession. 

Meanwhile the North- West part of Saurashtra had 
begun to be the centre of some activity, and the Jadeja 
Rajputs from Kachh had become engaged in establishing 
themselves in the peninsula. The earlier history of the 
Jadejas coincides with that of the Chudasamas, for both 
— ^together with the Bhatias of Jesalmir in Rajputana — 
are descended from Narpat, Chief of the Samas of Nagar 
Thatha in Sind. After the departure of the Chudasamas 
to Saurashtra in the latter part of the ninth century, the 
Jadeja branch of the family remained in Sind, subse- 
quently at various times invading the peninsula, direct- 
ing their attacks in every case against the Jethwas. In 
the middle of the thirteenth century Lakha Ghurara was 
ruler of the tribe under the title of Jam. Of his eight 
sons the eldest. Jam Unad, succeeded his father, but was 
afterwards killed by his brothers Muda and Manai, who, 
fleeing with two other brothers, Sandha and Phula, to 
Kachh, drove out the tribes there and established their 
own rule. In about a.d. 1313, during one of their incur- 
sions, they conquered and destroyed Ghumli, causing the 
Jethwas to move south to Chhaya ; but they did not 
remain in Saurashtra and returned to Kachh. Subse- 
quently, in about a.d. 1535, they again invaded the 
province under Jam Rawal Hala, who had been driven 
out of Kachh after murdering Hamirji, the ruling chief. 




Jam Rawal settled in a.d. 1540 at Nagnah Bandar 
(Nawanagar) and consolidated his rule in what was 
known as " Halawad." This has since assumed its 
present form of " Halar," by which the North- West 
portion of Saurashtra is kno^vn. The name " Halawad " 
was given to Jam Rawal's dominions on account of his 
descent from Jam Hala, and of himself being known as 
" Halani." Subsequently other branches of the Jadeja 
family became established round about Nawanagar terri- 
tory. Dhrol was captured from Dhama Chaora by 
Hardholji, brother of Jam Rawal, some time between 
A.D. 1540 and 1560. In a.d. 1697 Jam Pragmalji of 
Kachh murdered his brother Revaji, and then placed the 
latter's son Kanyoji in command at Morvi (or Morbi), 
where his descendants still rule. Rajkot came under the 
Jadejas in the latter part of the sixteenth century, when 
Vibhoji, third son of Jam Sataji, conquered it with the 
aid of his father. Gondal is also in possession of the 
Jadejas, the State having been founded by Jadeja Kum- 
bhoji in a.d. 1634. He afterwards obtained possession of 
the towns of Dhoraji, Upleta, and Bhayawadar, built 
forts, and established himself firmly. 

Scarcely were the Jadejas settled in the Northern 
parts of Saurashtra when Diu again became the scene of 
much fighting. In a.d. 1538 a Turkish fleet under 
Suleman Pasha having captured Aden sailed to Diu and 
blockaded it. Mahomed Khan III, seeing in this an 
excellent opportunity for ousting the Portugese, marched 
with a strong force to assist the Turks, and besieged the 
fort of Diu from the land side. The beleagured garrison 
under Dom Antonio da Silveira fought gallantly, and 
succeeded in informing the Viceroy at Goa of their plight. 
After a siege lasting many months reinforcements in 
small boats successfully evaded the blockading fleet, and 
this timely aid saved the garrison from annihilation, and 
Portugal from the loss of one of her most prized posses- 


m ^ 















sions in India. AH the desperate assaults made on the 
fort were repulsed, and in November a.d. 1538 the Turks 
sailed away to Arabia, the Sultan also abandoning the 

In A.D. 1546 Diu was again attacked, this time by a 
renegade Albanian named Khoja Zulgar, who had been 
taken up by the Sultan of Gujarat. The Governor of 
the fort, by name Dom Joao de Mascarenhas, defended 
himself with great valour, and after repulsing all assaults 
the Portugese sallied out under Dom Joao da Castro 
and inflicted a crushing defeat on the besiegers. Khoja 
Zulgar was killed in the engagement, and the Portugese 
inflicted punishment on the Sultan of Gujarat by sailing 
along the coast to Cambay, which they burnt, and to 
Sm*at, which they sacked. As a reward for this victory, 
King John III of Portugal sent da Castro a commission 
as Viceroy of Portugese India, but he only lived to 
enjoy his new honour for fourteen days, dying at Goa on 
June 6, 1546, in the arms of his friend St. Francis Xavier. 

The Portugese were now very firmly established at 
Diu, and found an island to be very suitable for defence 
and fortification. Accordingly they appropriated several 
islands off the south coast of Sorath, among them Shiyal 
Island, which they fortified strongly and held until 
A.D. 1739, when they were obliged to concentrate on Diu 
after the capture of Bassein by the Marathas. 

After the sack of Surat in a.d. 1548, Sultan Mahomed 
Khan III concluded a treaty with the Portugese, by 
which the fort of Diu was to be retained by them, while 
the Mahomedans were to have the city and the rest of 
the island. Diu was not again attacked by Mahomed 
Khan or his successors, and the whole island subsequently 
came into Portugese possession. 

For many years after the death of Bahadur Shah II, 
comparative peace prevailed in the province of Sorath, 
broken only by the happenings at Diu and various petty 



! -i 

I I 


!' ! 



quarrels between some of the chiefs. A crisis was passing 
over the kingdom of Gujarat, and after the death of 
Bahadur Shah that country became a centre of intrigue. 
The nobles formed themselves into several factions, each 
party endeavouring to set up its own puppet as ruler of 
the country. These rulers were for the most part minor 
and but rulers in name, and the result of the unsatisfac- 
tory state of affairs was that the supremacy Gujarat had 
enjoyed over all neighbouring countries soon became a 
thing of the past, and general discontent and disorder 
pervaded the land. The quarrels and ambitions of the 
nobles sowed the seed of destruction which was to over- 
take them. Saurashtra did not suffer very greatly from 
this state of affairs in Gujarat. It cannot be said to have 
progressed, but it was spared for a time the incursions of 
the armies, which although a negative aid to progress 
had at least its effect. 

The most important event in the province during 
these years of strife in Gujarat occurred in Jhalawad, 
where Raisinhji Jhala in a.d. 1564 succeeded his father, 
Mansinhji, who had been given back his lands by Sultan 
Bahadur Shah. Shortly after Raisinhji's accession he 
quarrelled with several of his neighbouring petty chiefs, 
and on one occasion went to Dhrol to visit his maternal 
uncle, Jasoji Jade j a. While playing a game of cards 
with his uncle, a sound of drums was heard, whereat 
Jasoji caused inquiries to be made as to who was guilty 
of the affront offered him by sounding drums within 
sight of Dhrol. The offender happened to be an ascetic 
named Makan Bharti, who was going to Dwarka, on 
hearing which Jasoji' s anger was appeased. Raisinhji 
then inquired what would happen were another chief to 
sound a drum within sight of Dhrol, and Jasoji replied 
that any one doing so would have his drums broken. 
Raisinhji Jhala thereupon left for Halwad, and assembling 
an army, marched to Dhrol and sounded his drums there. 






Jasoji in vain tried to stop him. The armies then closed 
and a fight ensued in which Jasoji was mortally woimded. 
Before he died he said that Sahebji Jadeja, brother of 
the Rao of Kachh, would avenge his death. This message 
was taken by a charan to Kachh, and on hearing of the 
duty imposed upon him, Sahebji made all haste to depart, 
being aided by his brother the Rao, who was anxious to 
get him away from Kachh. 

Sahebji crossed the Rann, and a fierce engagement 
took place near Malia, where the Jadeja was killed and 
Raisinhji left for dead on the battlefield. The Jhala 
Chief recovered, however, and as soon as he was strong 
enough to undertake the journey he went to Delhi. 
Meanwhile Khan Khanan had been ordered to march 
against Sultan Muzafar Khan of Gujarat, and Raisinhji 
met him on the way, and laid his case before him, pointing 
out that he had been left for dead and would not be 
recognized if he returned to Jhalawad. The General, 
however, advised returning and declaring himself, which 
advice was followed with complete success, only marred, 
however, by all his wives but one refusing to return to 
him, saying they regarded him as dead. 

Events in Gujarat, the state of which country had 
been going from bad to worse, now took a decided course. 
Mahomed Khan III died in a.d. 1554, whereupon the 
nobles elected a youth named Ahmad Khan, a descendant 
of Ahmad Shah I, to sit upon the throne with the title of 
Ahmad Shah II. On account of the new Sultan's 
minority a certain Itimad Khan was appointed Regent. 
This man, after passing through various vicissitudes, 
finally caused Ahmad Shah to be assassinated in A.D. 1560, 
and by means of his influence another minor was pro- 
claimed Sultan as Muzafar Shah III. The very unsatis- 
factory state of affairs quickly became worse. Itimad 
Khan quarrelled with all the nobles, who defeated him in 
a battle near Ahmadabad in a.d. 1571, with the imme- 



diate result that he appealed to the Emperor Akbar of 
Delhi for help. Akbar was not slow to seize the oppor- 
tunity he had been awaiting to add Gujarat to his 
dominions, and early in a.d. 1572 he marched Southwards 
with a large army. After some fighting he captured 
Muzafar Shah and Ahmadabad, and established Moghal 
rule throughout the province, appointing Viceroys to 
administer it. Saurashtra remained for a time separate 
from Gujarat, but finally it passed after some fighting 
under the Emperor's rule, to remain so until Ahmadabad 
was captured by the Marathas in a.d. 1753, and the 
Moghal power in Western India declined and finally 

il I: 

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(a.d. 1572-1692) 

In a.d. 1556 Itimad Khan had made a so-called division 
of Gujarat among the various nobles, and had allotted 
Sorath to Tatar Khan Ghori, Governor of the province. 
The formal allotment was probably made with the idea 
of gaining a powerful friend, for Tatar Khan had become 
virtually independent of Gujarat after the death of 
Bahadur Shah. Some time between a.d. 1570 and 1575 
he died, and was succeeded by his son, Amin Klian Ghori. 
Great confusion now reigned in Saurashtra. All central 
authority was removed and the several rulers engaged 
in a game of land grabbing, the principal offender in 
this respect being Jam Satarsal of Nawanagar, who waged 
his wars so successfully that he became completely 
independent, owing suzerainty to none. After con- 
quering Gujarat, the Emperor Akbar decided to reduce 
Sorath to his authority, and ordered Wazir Khan, who 
was appointed Deputy Viceroy of Gujarat in a.d. 1575, 
to attempt the task of subjugation. Mirza Klian, the 
General deputed for the task, found he was unable to 
carry out the orders. Marching into Sorath with a force 
of 4000 mounted men, he was met just over the frontier 
between the two provinces by a messenger from Amin 
Khan Ghori, who sent word to say he agreed to pay 
tribute and surrender the country, on the condition of 
his being allowed to retain Junagadh fort, and that a 
grant of land be given him. These proposals did not 
satisfy the Moghal General, and he continued his march 




against Amin Khan, who prepared to defend himself. 
Arnin Khan appHed for aid to Jam Satarsal of Nawanagar, 
who, only too glad of an opportunity of fighting, sent 
an army to the relief of Junagadh, which had meanwhile 
been invested. Mirza Khan was compelled to raise the 
siege of that place, and withdrew to Mangrol. Here he 
was followed by the united forces of Junagadh and 
Nawanagar, and retired Eastwards to Kodinar, where 
he was obliged to fight a pitched battle. In the fight 
he was wounded, and lost the whole of his baggage and 
elephants, escaping himself with difficulty to Ahmadabad 
with the remnant of his forces. 

In A.D. 1583 an upheaval took place in Gujarat as 
the result of the escape of the erstwhile Sultan, Muzafar 
Shah, from custody, and his arrival in his former 
dominions. In this year Itimad Khan was appointed 
Viceroy in Gujarat, and it was about this time that 
Muzafar Shah sought help and protection from a Kathi 
chief named Loma Khuman, at Kherdi, in Saurashtra. 
Gathering together an army composed of about four 
thousand Kathi horsemen and a body of eight hundred 
discontented Moghal soldiers, Muzafar Shah marched on 
Ahmadabad, which happened to be weakly defended. 
The new Viceroy had not yet arrived from Delhi, and 
when he got to within a few miles of the city he received 
the news of its fall. Nothing daunted, he marched on, 
but was vigorously attacked by Muzafar Shah and routed, 
losing all his baggage and being fortunate to escape with 
his life. As soon as intelligence reached the Emperor 
Akbar at Delhi of what was happening in Gujarat, he 
appointed Mirza Khan to the Viceroyalty, and sent him 
with a large army to recover the lost province. Muzafar 
Shah, who was at Broach, heard of his advance and set 
out at once for Ahmadabad. The two armies met out- 
side the city, and in the fight which ensued Muzafar Shah 
was completely defeated and fled to Rajpipla. From 






place to place he went, until he finally took refuge at 
Kherdi once again with the Kathi chief, Loma Khuman. 
He now endeavoured to interest Amin Khan Ghori of 
Junagadh and Jam Satarsal of Nawanagar on his behalf. 
Amin Khan gave him the then waste town of Gondal, 
and, collecting a small army, the fugitive marched against 
Radhanpur, which he plundered. But the forces of the 
Emperor of Delhi were too strong for him, and he was 
soon forced once more to take refuge in Saurashtra. 

Amin Khan Ghori now began to see the hopelessness 
of Muzafar Shah's cause, and feared rendering assistance 
openly in case the wrath of Akbar should be directed 
against himself also. Consequently his offers of aid were 
only pretence, and he managed to induce the former 
Sultan to hand over to him a sum of one lakh of rupees 
in return for support, which first on one pretext and 
then on another was never given. The Viceroy now 
marched into Sorath, and Jam Satarsal and Amin Khan 
at once sent him envoys, declaring that the fugitive 
was receiving no aid whatever from them. Muzafar 
Shah gained the shelter of the Barda Hills, in which he 
was left to be hunted down. The Viceroy marched 
against him, after giving Jam Satarsal and Amin Khan 
plainly to understand that any aid rendered by them 
to the fugitive would result in his directing his attack 
against themselves, at which they promised complete 
neutrality. The Viceroy marched to Upleta, and thence 
to the Barda Hills, on the outskirts of which he halted 
and sent parties of small size to scour the jungle country. 
Muzafar Shah, learning of his arrival, left the shelter 
of the hills and, passing through Nawanagar territory, 
entered Gujarat, where his following was again defeated, 
and he was once more driven to seek refuge in Rajpipla. 

The Viceroy now accused Jam Satarsal of breaking 
his promise of neutrality, and marched Northwards on 
Nawanagar. The Jadeja chief, however, submitted before 




ii t 



it was too late, and, after fining him to the extent of an 
elephant and some horses, the Viceroy accepted his 
submission and returned to Gujarat. 

But Saurashtra had not yet seen the last of Muzafar 
Shah. In a.d. 1591 he again returned, and his cause 
was again espoused — this time with more genuineness 
— by Daulat Khan Ghori of Junagadh (son of Amin 
Khan Ghori, who had died about the previous year), 
and Jam Satarsal. The Kathi chief, Loma Khuman, 
also again came to his assistance. The Viceroy of Gujarat, 
Mirza Aziz Kokaltash, again collected an army and 
marched as far as Viramgam. Thence Nauroz Khan 
and Sayad Kasim were sent forward to Morvi with 
troops, and on arrival there a letter was despatched to 
Jam Satarsal directing him to surrender Muzafar Shah. 
This he refused to do, and, instead he began to harass 
the advanced guard, killing stragglers, carrying off horses 
and elephants, and entirely cutting off supplies. When 
the Viceroy at Viramgam heard the result of the mission, 
he hurried to reinforce the troops at Morvi with the 
main body. Rain and mud delayed the army, but 
eventually it arrived near Dhrol on its way to attack 
Nawanagar. At a place called Buchar Mori, about one 
mile North- West of Dhrol, the two armies came face to 
face. Several skirmishes took place preliminary to the 
big engagement, and it soon became apparent to Jam 
Satarsal that Loma Khuman and Daulat Khan intended 
to desert him, or at least to fight but half-heartedly. 
He therefore left his army under Jasa Ladak, his Minister, 
and rode off to Nawanagar to prepare his household for 
flight. It happened that his son Ajoji was at that time 
being married in Nawanagar, but seeing his father's 
anxiety he immediately set out for Dhrol and joined 
the army just before the big fight took place. 

The two armies were drawn up facing each other, 
the leaders of each side commanding their respective 


•M ■ 

,1 I. 




centres. The Viceroy's left wing was commanded by 
Mahomed Ragi, while the right was under the command 
of Sayad Kasim, Nauroz Khan, and Gujar Khan. Daulat 
Khan Ghori appears to have been on the left of the allied 
forces. The battle started with the flight from the field 
of Loma Khuman and his horsemen, and a furious 
cannonade on both sides. The Nawanagar troops then 
drove back the left wing of the Moghal army, and victory 
appeared to be within their grasp. But Sayad Kasim 
succeeded in driving back the Junagadh contingent 
under Daulat Khan Ghori, and Gujar Khan, coming to 
the assistance of the hard-pressed left wing, the Nawanagar 
forces were driven back in confusion. Soon afterwards 
Jam Satarsal's son, Ajoji, and Jasa Ladak were killed, 
and the disheartened Jadejas, being now without leaders, 
gave way and were soon routed. Daulat Khan Ghori, 
who was severely wounded, and Muzafar Shah were 
joined by Jam Satarsal and fled to Junagadh. Both 
sides lost very heavily, and the whole of the defeated 
army's baggage fell into the hands of the victors. 

The Viceroy now advanced on Nawanagar, which he 
plundered, and detached Nauroz Khan, Sayad Kasim, 
and Gujar Khan to besiege Junagadh. On hearing of 
the intended attack on this stronghold. Jam Satarsal 
and Muzafar Shah fled to the Barda Hills, where they 
hid themselves. On the same day on which the Moghal 
army arrived before Junagadh, Daulat Khan died of his 
wounds. In spite of this loss, the defenders fought 
desperately, and after a protracted siege the investing 
army was obliged to draw off without having accom- 
plished its purpose, and to return to Ahmadabad. Before 
raising the siege it was joined by the Viceroy and the 
forces with him, and the want of food supplies told so 
heavily on the united forces that danger of starvation 
compelled them to raise the siege sooner than would 
otherwise have been necessary. Nawanagar now came 






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■ ii 

J ;r 


under the Moghal Empire, and a Governor was left in the 

Eight months after returning to Ahmadabad, the 
Viceroy again advanced to attack Junagadh. Jam 
Satarsal was still in hiding in the Barda Hills, and at 
once sent messengers to the Viceroy to inform him that 
he was ready to do anything that might be required of 
him provided Nawanagar were restored to him. Pro- 
fiting by his former experience, the Viceroy agreed to 
give back the Jadeja his possessions on condition that 
he supplied the Moghal forces with grain so long as they 
remained in the peninsula. To this the Jam agreed, 
and was reinstated at Nawanagar, while the Viceroy 
prosecuted the siege of Junagadh with such vigour that 
it fell after resisting for three months. An Imperial 
Fouzdar (army commander) was now placed at Junagadh, 
who administered the province of Sorath for the Emperor 
of Delhi, in subordination to the Viceroy of Gujarat. 
Nauroz Khan became the first Fouzdar, and after him 
Sayad Kasim, each of which generals had taken a 
prominent part in subduing the province. 

After the fall of Junagadh, news reached the Viceroy 
that Muzafar Shah had taken refuge at Jagat (Dwarka), 
where Sewa Wadhel, Raja of Jagat, was succouring him. 
An army was accordingly sent to capture him under 
the command of Nauroz Khan, and after a forced march 
he came up with the fugitive, who, however, escaped on 
horseback, and with a few followers contrived to cross 
the Rann to Kachh. Sewa Wadhel was killed while 
gallantly covering his retreat. The Moghal forces now 
marched to Morvi, intending to embark to Kachh and 
attack the Rao. The Rao, however, taking a lesson 
from the examples of Nawanagar and Junagadh, decided 
to surrender Muzafar Shah rather than fight, and sent 
a message to the effect that he would show where the 
fugitive was in hiding if he were guaranteed against 


I ni 



attack, and were given back Morvi, which district had 
formerly belonged to him. The Viceroy acquiesced in 
these terms, and Muzafar Shah was captured and sent 
back across the Rann in custody of a guard of Moghal 
troops which had been sent to secure him. The Viceroy, 
however, was yet destined to be cheated of his quarry, 
for while on the journey, after reaching Dhrol, Muzafar 
Shah obtained possession of a razor and cut his throat. 
His head was sent to Delhi for the Emperor to see, and 
the Viceroy journeyed to Verawal, where he took ship 
with the object of performing a pilgrimage to Mecca. 

With Muzafar Shah's death in a.d. 1592 another short 
period of peace ensued in Saurashtra, and the oppor- 
tunity was taken of effecting some reforms. One of 
these which came as a great boon to the cultivating 
classes was to the effect that of all produce, the State 
should take half, and half should be left to the cultivator. 
Five per cent, as dues was to be deducted from each 
share equally, and no other taxes of any kind were to 
be levied. It can be easily imagined that after so much 
turmoil and fighting throughout the peninsula, reforms 
such as the above must have come as a godsend to the 
classes which perforce had suffered most severely in 
quarrels which did not at all concern them, and of the 
causes of which in all probability they knew nothing. 

The great Emperor Akbar died in a.d. 1605, and 
after he had been buried at the Sikandra Bagh, near 
Agra, with great simplicity, his son Jehangir ascended 
the throne of Delhi. He came no nearer to Saurashtra 
than Ahmadabad, which place he visited in a.d. 1616, 
and so thoroughly disliked it that he never again went 
to that part of his dependencies. 

In A.D. 1608 Chandrasinhji Jhala, who had inherited 
Jhalawad from his father Raisinhji, on the latter's death 
in A.D. 1584 became the object of the first of a series 
of attacks made upon him by Jam Jasaji of Nawanagar. 



It happened that Jam Jasaji had married Chandrasinhji's 
sister, the Rani Jhali, and both she and her husband 
were very fond of playing chess. One day, while thus 
engaged. Jam Jasaji captured his wife's " Knight " — called 
in Gujarati "Horse" — at which she lost her temper, and 
said : " It is no great thing to take a horse from me, 
a woman, but if you can take a horse from my brother, 
you are indeed a Raja." Jam Jasaji accepted the 
challenge thus thrown out by his Jhala wife and attacked 
Halwad. Accounts as to what happened afterwards 
differ somewhat. In one Jam Jasaji is said to have 
failed in all his attacks upon her brother, and to have 
been obliged to resort to less heroic methods to effect 
his capture, eventually seizing him through the instru- 
mentality of a Nagar Brahman named Shankardas. 
Another account relates that Jam Jasaji sent men to 
Halwad, outwardly to condole with Chandrasinhji on 
the loss of a son, but with instructions to capture and 
bring him to Nawanagar, which was effected and the 
Jhala was afterwards released only on the intercession 
of Shankardas. Whichever account be true, it is certain 
that after a good deal of fighting Chandrasinhji was 
captured and taken to Nawanagar, and was afterwards 
released. The incident ended tragically, however, for 
Jam Jasaji taunted his wife about her brother, and she 
managed some years afterwards to poison her husband 
out of revenge. 

Chandrasinhji Jhala' s troubles were not yet over, 
however, for he was cursed with a number of quarrel- 
some and rebellious sons. The eldest was named 
Prathiraj, against whom the second and third sons, 
Askaranji and Amarsinhji, plotted with the object of 
supplanting him. They preferred a concocted story to 
the Viceroy at Ahmadabad, with the result that Prathiraj 
was taken there as a prisoner and there died. Askaranji 
afterwards, in a.d. 1628, succeeded his father, but six 





years later his brother Amarsinhji killed him and ruled 
in his stead. Meanwhile Sultanji Jhala and Rajoji Jhala, 
sons of Prathiraj, sought refuge at a place called Bhadli, 
and later Sultanji obtained aid from Jam Jasaji of 
Nawanagar and conquered the country now forming 
Wankaner State. He fought continually against Halwad 
until slain in a fight at Mathak. But his descendants 
retained Wankaner. The district of Wadhwan had been 
considered since the arrival of the Jhalas in Saurashtra 
to be the portion of the heir to Halwad. But Rajoji 
seized it, and eventually it became a distinct State. 
Chandrasinhji's fourth son, Abhyesinhji, was given 
Lakhtar, and another Abhyesinhji, grandson of Rajoji 
Jhala, occupied and retained Chuda. 

In A.D. 1616, when the Emperor Jehangir visited 
Gujarat, Jam Jasaji of Nawanagar went to meet him 
and pay homage, taking with him fifty horses as 
" Nazarana." At this time were fixed the forces to be 
contributed by vassal States for the defence of the 
Moghal Empire, and Jam Jasaji' s quota was laid down 
as being two thousand five hundred horsemen. These 
men were posted on the Southern borders of Gujarat. 

About this time the Kathis began raiding on a larger 
scale than they had before attempted, and directed 
their attacks principally against the Gohels. Towards 
the end of the sixteenth century, Visoji Gohel had 
captured Sihor from Kandhoji Gohel, a petty chief of 
Gariadhar and ancestor of the Palitana family. The 
fine natural position of this place from a strategic point 
of view at once became apparent to Visoji, and fortifying 
it strongly he made it his capital. He was succeeded by 
his son Dhunoji in a.d. 1600, and during Dhunoji's 
reign, Noghanji, son of the dispossessed Kandhoji of 
Gariadhar, was attacked by Loma Khuman of Kherdi, 
the Kathi chief who had deserted Jam Satarsal at the 
battle of Buchar Mori in a.d. 1591, and by him driven 

113 H 


out of his territory. Noghanji asked Dhunoji Gohel of 
Sihor for help, but before he could collect his forces, he 
in turn was attacked suddenly by Loma Khuman in 
A.D. 1619 and killed in a battle near Velawadar, in 
Gohelwad. Noghanji therefore remained dispossessed. 

After Saurashtra had been placed under an Imperial 
Fouzdar subordinate to the Viceroy of Gujarat in a.d. 
1592, it is strange to find that with the exception of 
the first and second Fouzdars, men of no administrative 
ability held the post. Under the weak control of these 
men, the peninsula quickly drifted once more into a 
condition of grave disorder. With no powerful hand to 
restrain them, the various chiefs sought to avenge private 
wrongs — real and imaginary — or to add to their terri- 
tories at the expense of some less powerful opponent. 
Whether fighting with one another, or among themselves 
within their own boundaries, the result was the same 
for the unfortunate cultivators who formed the bulk of 
the population. Heavy exactions were necessary to 
carry on fighting ; but even this ill, great as it must 
have been, was less harmful than that occasioned those 
who happened to till their fields either near the scene 
of a battle, or near the route by which an army happened 
to be marching. And again the man who could bestow 
the handsomest and richest gifts on the Emperor Shah 
Jehan had the best chance of procuring the appoint of 
Viceroy of a province of the Empire. Naturally it 
followed that when a man had been so appointed he 
endeavoured to make his term of office as profitable as 
possible so as to recompense himself. This was an easy 
matter in days when there were no means of communica- 
tion other than by road — and Saurashtra is a very far 
cry from Delhi ! 

Eventually matters became too serious to be ignored, 
and it became necessary to send a strong and capable 
Viceroy to Gujarat if that province and Saurashtra were 







to be retained in the Delhi Empire. Accordingly, in 
A.D. 1635, Azam Khan, a man of real ability, was sent 
to Ahmadabad as Viceroy with directions to restore 
order ; while Mirza Isa Tar Khan was made Fouzdar 
of Sorath at Junagadh. 

The first to rebel against the newly introduced strong 
hand was Jam Lakhaji of Nawanagar, who succeeded his 
uncle, Jam Jasaji, in a.d. 1624. Then followed risings 
of Kathis and Kolis. These were subdued without much 
difficulty, but the Jam took no profit from their and 
previous examples, and still withheld payment of tribute. 
Azam Khan at once marched on Nawanagar and forced 
Jam Lakhaji to yield. The full amount of tribute due 
he was compelled to pay and, in addition, to surrender 
refugees and outlaws from Gujarat and to promise for 
the future never to harbour such people. Also he promised 
to cease coining money. This privilege had been accorded 
the Jade j as by Sultan Muzafar Khan of Gujarat, who had 
granted it to Jam Satarsal, stipulating only that the 
coinage should be called " Mahmudi," after his own 
father. The story goes that on one occasion Jam Satarsal 
was paying Nazarana to the Sultan, and produced a 
rupee and a coin which afterwards became known as 
" Kori." By way of compliment he said : " Just as the 
dignity of Rajas is increased by the gift of their daughters 
to the Sultan their overlord, so I marry my coin as a 
' Kimwari ' to this rupee of yours, hoping her honour 
will increase." This so pleased the Sultan that he gave 
permission to open a mint, and directed that the small 
coin which the Jam had presented with the rupee should 
be known at " Kunwari," which afterwards became 
contracted to " Kori." 

Having completed the subjugation of the Jam, Azam 
Khan, in a.d. 1640, returned to Ahmadabad. The centre 
of interest in Sorath now changed from Nawanagar to 
Gohelwad, at the opposite corner of the province. In 





A.D. 1622 Govindji Gohel, uncle of the heir to the gadiy 
had usurped it on the death of his brother Harbhamji. 
The infant Akherajji, the rightful heir, was taken by his 
mother to Kachh, in which country he grew to manhood. 
Certain supporters of their lawful ruler endeavoured to 
oust Govindji, who, to strengthen himself and his cause, 
sought aid from Mirza Isa Tar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath. 
As consideration for this aid, in a.d. 1636 the Fouzdar 
was given all Govindji's rights in the valuable port 
of Gogha, in Gohelwad. Shortly afterwards, however, 
Govindji Gohel died, and his son Satarsalji was nominated 
to succeed him. Akherajji's supporters now redoubled 
their efforts to secure Gohelwad for the lawful ruler, and 
succeeded in surprising Satarsalji while asleep, and in 
carrying him off. They now induced a Kathi chieftain, 
Samat Khiunan, to espouse their cause, and with his help 
in A.D. 1636 Akherajji succeeded to the position he 
should have occupied fourteen years earlier. Shortly 
afterwards Noghanji, who had been driven out of his 
property at Gariadhar in a.d. 1619 and had not yet 
succeeded in reinstating himself, asked Akherajji for aid 
in recovering his possessions. This being given, a surprise 
attack was made on the Kathis, who were driven out, 
and Noghanji came into his own again. Before Akherajji 
Gohel died in a.d. 1660 he obtained from the Moghal 
Government the " Chouth," or fourth part of the revenue 
of the port of Gogha, which his uncle had alienated. 

Affairs in Jhalawad now claimed attention. On 
Chandrasinhji Jhala's death in a.d. 1628 his second son, 
Askaranji (who, it will be remembered, with his brother 
Amarsinhji had succeeded in effecting the removal to 
Ahmadabad of Prathirajji, eldest son and heir of Chandra- 
sinhji), succeeded him. But six years later he was 
assassinated by his brother and former co-conspirator, 
Amarsinhji, who took his place. But Amarsinhji was not 
permitted to rule in peace. Prathirajji's son, Sultanji 


Sowars of Armed Camelry. 

Incidents while bombarding Chital 
(British Artillery depicted). 

A Skirmish near Chital. 

Bapjiraj Gohel (on Elephantress " Koka ") 

welcoming Thakore Ataji to his Capital 

after the Chital Campaign 

(British Soldiers depicted). 

Thakor Wakhatsinhji, alias Atybhai. on 

his favourite mare " Sihun," carrying 

his famous Lance. 


il^t 1 

.!■% I 


t 1 


if 1 1 

i \ i 

i I I 


A.D. 1622 Govindji Gohel, uncle of the heir to the gadi, 
had usurped it on the death of his brother Harbhamji. 
The infant Akherajji, the rightful heir, was taken by his 
mother to Kachh, in which country he grew to manhood. 
Certain supporters of their lawful ruler endeavoured to 
oust Govindji, who, to strengthen himself and his cause, 
sought aid from Mirza Isa Tar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath. 
As consideration for this aid, in a.d. 1636 the Fouzdar 
was given all Govindji's rights in the valuable port 
of Gogha, in Gohelwad. Shortly afterwards, however, 
Govindji Gohel died, and his son Satarsalji was nominated 
to succeed him. Akherajji's supporters now redoubled 
their efforts to secure Gohelwad for the lawful ruler, and 
succeeded in surprising Satarsalji while asleep, and in 
carrying him off. They now induced a Kathi chieftain, 
Samat Khuman, to espouse their cause, and with his help 
in A.D. 1636 Akherajji succeeded to the position he 
should have occupied fourteen years earlier. Shortly 
afterwards Noghanji, who had been driven out of his 
property at Gariadhar in a.d. 1619 and had not yet 
succeeded in reinstating himself, asked Akherajji for aid 
in recovering his possessions. This being given, a surprise 
attack was made on the Kathis, who were driven out, 
and Noghanji came into his own again. Before Akherajji 
Gohel died in a.d. 1660 he obtained from the Moghal 
Government the " Chouth," or fourth part of the revenue 
of the port of Gogha, which his uncle had alienated. 

Affairs in Jhalawad now claimed attention. On 
Chandrasinhji Jhala's death in a.d. 1628 his second son, 
Askaranji (who, it will be remembered, with his brother 
Amarsinhji had succeeded in effecting the removal to 
Ahmadabad of Prathirajji, eldest son and heir of Chandra- 
sinhji), succeeded him. But six years later he was 
assassinated by his brother and former co-conspirator, 
Amarsinhji, who took his place. But Amarsinhji was not 
permitted to rule in peace. Prathirajji's son, Sultanji 



sowars o 

f Armed Camel 


Incidents while bombarding Chital 
(British Artillery depicted). 

A Skirmish near Chital. 



Bapjiraj Gohel (on Elephantress " Koka ") 

welcoming Thakore Ataji to his Capital 

after the Chital Campaign 

(British Soldiers depicted). 

Thakor Wakhatsinhji, alias Atybhai, on 

his favourite mare " Sihun." carrying 

his famous Lance. 


•ii I 

>■, S'- 























;k I 



: jf ,. 




. ? < 

I * 




■ ' i 


Jhala of Wankaner, made continued raids on Halwad 
territory. After some time Amarsinhji allied himself to 
the Kathis, and the Parmar Rajput chief of Muli, who 
carried the warfare into Wankaner territory, and on one 
occasion carried off a number of cattle. Sultanji, how- 
ever, pursued them as they were retiring, but, being 
reinforced by some of Amarsinhji's troops, they turned 
round and made a stand. As a result Sultanji was killed, 
and the battle was commemorated by the erection of a 
temple on the site. After Sultanji's death, Amarsinhji 
ruled in peace imtil he died in a.d. 1645. 

In past times one of the most fruitful sources of 
troubles in the dominions of the many semi-independent 
rulers in Saurashtra and elsewhere was the introduction 
of spurious male children into a chief's family, if he 
happened to be without male offspring and without 
probability of being blessed with any. Such a course 
sometimes appeared necessary, either to assure succes- 
sion of the line or to guard against the succession of 
a collateral. In the latter case two motives usually 
prompted such measures. Firstly, a Rani after her 
husband's death (unless she burnt herself on his funeral 
pyre) knew she would be supplanted in her position 
and would become a very unimportant personage ; while 
secondly, those retainers and dependents of a childless 
chief stood a great chance of losing their posts should a 
collateral succeed, in which case he would almost certainly 
surround himself with his own friends and servants. 
One, or perhaps both, of these motives was responsible 
for the introduction of a spurious male child into the 
family of Jam Ranmalji of Nawanagar before he died 
in A.D. 1661. The Jam had married a lady of the Jodhpur 
family, and the union had not resulted in any offspring. 
Consequently, with the aid of a servant named Malik Isa 
and her brother, Govardhan Rathod, she managed to 
procure from outside a newly bom male child, which 





she gave out as her own, and named Satoji. However, 
Jadeja Raisinhji, brother of Jam Ranmalji, came to hear 
of the fraud perpetrated at his expense, and managed to 
induce his brother to declare to the leading men of the 
State that the child was spurious and that he wished 
Raisinhji to succeed him. In a.d. 1661, on the death 
of Jam Ranmalji, the Jodhpur lady and her brother 
proclaimed the infant Satoji to be his successor, and a 
durbar was arranged by her, to which only women were 
invited. Raisinhji, however, managed to dress some of 
his party up as women, and so to gain admittance for 
them to the durbar. These fell upon all the male sup- 
porters of the Rani and massacred them. Govardhan 
Rathod and his sister were driven away, and Raisinhji 
was proclaimed Jam. The Viceroy of Gujarat at this 
time was Jaswantsinhji of Jodhpur, but he happened 
to be away and Kutab-ud-din, Fouzdar of Sorath, was 
acting for him. The Rani went to Ahmadabad and 
besought him to assist her, declaring Satoji was the 
legitimate heir, and Kutab-ud-din assembled an army 
and at once marched on Nawanagar. Raisinhji came 
out to meet him, and the two armies met at Shekhpat, 
where a battle was fought, and Raisinhji was slain. 
Kutab-ud-din captured Nawanagar, and renaming the 
city " Islamnagar " added it and the whole of Halawad 
to the crown dominions. Shortly afterwards, Kutab- 
ud-din was sent with an army to aid Jaswantsinhji of 
Jodhpur in the Deccan, and Sardar Khan was appointed 
Fouzdar of Sorath and in charge of Islamnagar, an 
additional force of five hundred horsemen being placed 
under him. 

With the exception of the plundering of Diu by Arab 
invaders in a.d. 1670, affairs in Saurashtra during the 
remainder of the seventeenth century were not of very 
great moment. Peace was fairly generally established, 
and a certain amount of time was devoted towards 



-.'' ^^mmm^m^^i^l^filiiifi^^ 



making revenue assessments and fixing rules for dues 
and taxes. One of these, which was most unpopular, 
was the confiscation by an Imperial order of all land 
held by Hindus on religious tenure. In another case 
Mahomedans were especially favoured. They were ex- 
cused payment of transit dues and taxes on grass, fire- 
wood, and vegetables, among certain others. This 
creation of an invidious distinction between ruling and 
subordinate races must have produced a very bad effect. 
Also the fining of Musalman officials or landholders 
was forbidden as contrary to Mahomedan law. Im- 
prisonment, however, for misdemeanour was retained. 

On the annexation of Nawanagar to the Imperial 
dominions in a.d. 1664, Jadeja Tamachi, son of Jam 
Raisinhji, had escaped to Kachh. Subsequently he began 
a series of raids against Musalman authority, and became 
a thorn in the flesh of the Mahomedan Governor of 
Nawanagar. Finally he approached Jaswantsinhji of 
Jodhpur (who had been made Viceroy of Gujarat for the 
second time in a.d. 1671) for the restoration to him of 
his ancestral dominions, and on the Viceroy's intercession 
before the Emperor Aurangzeb the latter seated him 
on the Nawanagar gadi on condition that he kept 
order within the boundaries of his territory, and served 
the Viceroy whenever called upoji. But until the 
Emperor Aurangzeb died in a.d. 1707 a Mahomedan 
Fouzdar was kept in Nawanagar city, and the Jam was 
obliged to live at Khambhalia, some thirty miles away. 

In A.D. 1673 Jaswantsinhji Jhala succeeded to Hal wad. 
It happened that his sister had married Ajitsinhji Rathod 
of Jodhpur, son of Chandrasinhji, Viceroy of Gujarat. 
This lady, on the death of her father in a.d. 1673, besought 
her father-in-law, the Viceroy, to take an army against 
Halwad, which he did, being successful and expelling 
Jaswantsinhji Jhala from his dominions. Halwad was 
now re-named Mahomednagar, and given to a Musalman, 





Nazar Ali Khan Babi, as a "Jagir," by whom it was 
held for six years. In a.d. 1679 Chandrasinhji Jhala 
of Wankaner drove out the Mahomedan, to be expelled 
himself in turn by Jaswantsinhji three years later. 
Jaswantsinhji then appealed to the Emperor Aurangzeb, 
who acknowledged the justice of his case, and confirmed 
him in the possession of his property. 

In A.D. 1684 Abdur Rahman Krori, the Mahomedan 
Governor of Diu Island, made himself particularly un- 
popular with the people, at whose unanimous request he 
was removed. Sardar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath, appointed 
one Mahomed Say ad to be his successor, and shortly 
afterwards was transferred to Sind as Viceroy, being 
followed in Saurashtra by Sayad Mahomed Shah. The 
new Fouzdar, however, did not remain long, for shortly 
afterwards the province was assigned to Mahomed Azam 
Shah Bahadur, a cadet of the Imperial family, as his 
personal estate, and Shahrwadi Khan was appointed 
Governor on his behalf. 

Meanwhile the Kathis had merited punishment by 
plundering both in Saurashtra and in Gujarat. Their 
raids were fast becoming too daring to tolerate, and in 
A.D. 1692 it was decided that a force from Ahmadabad 
should be sent against them. Shujat Khan, the Viceroy, 
led the army in person, and advancing into Saurashtra 
he attacked and plundered Than, which the Kathis had 
fortified strongly. The fort was razed to the ground, 
and the army returned to Ahmadabad without molesta- 

^ ! 





(a.d. 1692-1760) 

The history of Saurashtra during the eighteenth century 
may be said to be that of the most critical of the many 
transition stages in the eventful history of the province. 
The powerful Mahomedan rule began to decline before 
the marauding raids of the Marathas, and the surface of 
the fair peninsula of Western India became stained with 
the blood of many fights — the result of aggression from 
without, and of internal trouble within its borders. We 
have seen how it had become filled with warring elements ; 
how the numerous tribes composing its population made 
not for harmony but for discord ; how in spite of all the 
drawbacks of continued warfare it still throve ; and, 
finally, how desirable a land it must have appeared to 
those wild and brave hosts of the parched Deccan, who 
were to seek from it the wealth which their own country 
denied them. 

The century was ushered in by a furious attack in 
A.D. 1705 on the Southern border of Gujarat by a Maratha 
army of fifteen thousand men, which burst through the 
defending cordon like a whirlwind and devastated the 
country. Two successive Mahomedan armies were com- 
pletely defeated, and after taking what they could collect 
in the shape of loot and ransom-money, the victorious 
Marathas retired to their own country. In a.d. 1711, 
however, they were defeated at Ankleshwar in a similar 
raiding expedition, and on that occasion, when the Fouzdar 
of Sorath, Sayad Ahmad Gilani, was called upon for aid, 



i I ■ 


the assistance brought by him went far towards ensuring 
victory. Three years later Sayad Ahmad was superseded, 
his appointment being given to Abhesinhji, son of Ajit- 
sinhji of Marwar, who had given his daughter in marriage 
to the Emperor Farukhsiyar. Abhesinhji did not come 
to Sorath, but deputed Kayat Fatehsinhjito perform the 
duties of his office on his behalf. This arrangement was 
not allowed to stand for long, however, and Abhesinhji 
was in the same year removed from the post in favour of 
Abdul Hamid Khan. In a.d. 1714 Daud Khan was made 
Viceroy of Gujarat, Abdul Hamid Khan acting for him. 
Shortly after his arrival at Ahmadabad, Daud Khan took 
his army into Saurashtra, levying the accustomed tribute 
without opposition and marrying also, when at Halwad, 
a daughter of Jaswantsinhji Jhala. But his Viceroy alty 
did not prove successful, and in the following year he 
was superseded by Maharaja Ajitsinhji of Marwar. The 
new Viceroy deputed Kayat Fatehsinhji to Sorath, but 
shortly afterwards an Imperial order was received con- 
ferring the province on Haider Kuli Khan, who in his 
turn appointed Roza Kuli to be his deputy at Junagadh, 
the headquarters of the charge. The Viceroy, however, 
marched into Saurashtra to collect revenue from certain 
recalcitrant debtors. He first proceeded against Halwad 
and compelled Jaswantsinhji Jhala to come to terms, 
afterwards marching on Nawanagar. Jam Raisinhji 
opposed him and some fighting ensued, the matter being 
complicated for the Viceroy by the fact that the Jhala 
chief came to the assistance of the Jam and continually 
harassed the flanks and rear of the Imperial army. But 
finally the Jam was compelled to pay a present of twenty- 
five horses and a 'sum of three lakhs of rupees as tribute. 
After visiting Dwarka the Viceroy returned to Ahmadabad, 
and Saurashtra was left in peace for a short time. 

It was about this time that the Jethwas in the South- 
West of the peninsula began to regain something of their 



old importance. Since the sixteenth century they had 
been settled at Chhaya, which stands on a creek not far 
from Porbandar. They had sunk to a very low ebb on 
account of their being unable to resist the Jadejas, who 
had despoiled them of most of their territories and had 
continually oppressed them. Close by was situated Por- 
bandar, a Mahomedan port of fair prosperity, towards 
which the Ranas of Chhaya had long cast longing eyes. 
It is mentioned in the Puranas as the ancient city of 
Sudama Puri, where we are told that Krishna changed 
the place from a small village into a city of gold on behalf 
of his old companion Sudama. Whatever be its origin, 
Sudama Puri was a holy and ancient place, which in course 
of time became known as Puri. To this was afterwards 
added the suffix '* bandar," signifying it was a harbour, 
and the word Porbandar became thus formed. 

It was during the reign of Rana Sultanji, between 
A.D. 1671 and 1699, that a small Jethwa fort was unpre- 
tentiously built in Porbandar, and in subsequent years 
the happenings in more important parts of the Gujarat 
dominions left the Moghal authorities little time for 
determining every petty encroachment, or indeed for 
noticing it. Accordingly the Ranas found nothing to 
hinder them in establishing authority at Porbandar and 
in towns around it, and in about a.d. 1718 Rana Khimoji 
claimed Porbandar as his own, continuing, however, to 
live in his strong fortress at Chhaya. 

In A.D. 1722 the Marathas, under Kantaji Kadam 
Bande and Pilaji Gaekwad, made their first foray into 
Saurashtra. Unfortunately for themselves, they selected 
the strong fort of Sihor for attack, and though they made 
determined onslaughts, they were every time driven back, 
and finally desisted. The Gohels suffered much loss, and 
but for the bravery and determination of their chief, 
Bhavsinhji, they would doubtless have succumbed to the 
attacks of their hardy adversaries. It is Bhavsinhji who 




raised the Gohels to a position of importance in Saurashtra. 
Born in a.d. 1683, at the age of twenty he succeeded his 
father, Ratanji, at Sihor, and from the first determined 
that he would make himself a powerful chief in the confu- 
sion consequent on the decline of the Moghal authority. 
His defeat of the Marathas gave him his opportunity, for 
he was so impressed by the dangerous position of Sihor 
in the event of defeat that he determined to found a 
capital at some place from which he could escape if 
necessary. So he chose the village of Wadwa, and there 
in A.D. 1723 he built the town of Bhavnagar. By having 
a capital on the sea he not only made for himself a safe 
means of retreat, but he was also able to make it a means 
of wealth by attracting some of the trade before monopo- 
lized by Gogha, Surat, and Cambay. Bhavnagar quickly 
gained in importance, and Bhavsinhji was soon obliged 
to spend a good deal of time trying to keep the place from 
attracting notice until he should be sufficiently strong to 
hold it in case of attack. 

In A.D. 1718 Jam Raisinhji of Nawanagar had been 
murdered by his brother Hardholji, who usurped the 
dominions of the rightful heir, Jade j a Tamachi, the infant 
son of Raisinhji. A slave-girl concealed the child in a 
box and fled to Kachh, where she besought the boy's 
aunt, Bai Ratnaji, to aid him to recover his lawful posses- 
sions. The Bai took up her nephew's case and wrote to 
her brother, Pratapsinhji Jhala of Halwad, asking him 
to marry his daughter to the Viceroy of Gujarat, Sarbuland 
Khan Umbariz-ul-Mulk, and the daughter of one of his 
cousins to Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi, Commander of 
the Moghal forces in Gujarat. Pratapsinhji fell in with 
his sister's views in a.d. 1726, and the result of these 
matrimonial alliances was that in a.d. 1727 Jam Hard- 
holji was driven away from Nawanagar, and the rightful 
ruler, 5j Jam Tamachi, was seated on the gadi. In 
return for the assistance rendered, three villages, Charak- 








hadi, Trahuda, and Daiya, were given to Salabat Mahomed 
Khan Babi, whose sons subsequently sold them to Jade j a 
Kumbhoji of Gondal. Other villages were given to 
Halwad, and the Mahals of Balambha and Amran were 
mortgaged to Rao Desalji of Kachh, who subsequently, 
in A.D. 1736, built the fort at the first-named place. 

After the Viceroy had settled Jam Tamachi in enjoy- 
ment of his property he marched to Chhaya to collect 
tribute from Rana Khimoji. The chief, however, sought 
to avoid payment by putting to sea, and he was also 
apprehensive as to what might be done to him for having 
bribed the Desais (Moghal revenue officials) of Mangrol 
to surrender Madhavpur to him the previous year. Even- 
tually, however, he was obliged to return and pay his 
tribute, on hearing the Viceroy proposed to annex his 
territory and to appoint an administering officer over it. 
But nothing appears to have been said about Madhavpur, 
which continued in his possession and still forms part of 
the Porbandar State. 

In A.D. 1730 Raisinhji Jhala succeeded his father, 
Pratapsinhji, at Halwad, and in the same year built the 
fort of Dhrangadhra, which, though used at first for part 
of the year only, soon supplanted Halwad and became 
the capital of Jhalawad. Raisinhji was quick to see the 
danger of apportioning out land to younger sons and others, 
and decided to put an end to such alienation of a con- 
siderable amount of the dominions from the possessions 
of the main branch of the family. In this he met with 
much opposition from his younger sons, and soon found 
that the eldest son, Gajsinhji, while professing to help 
his father, was actually siding with his brothers against 
him. This annoyed Raisinhji so much that he imme- 
diately sent for the younger sons, who had gone into 
outlawry against him, and gave each of them a substantial 
portion of the State from which to draw revenue. 

It is about this time that the Mahomedan Babi family 






first began to assume importance in Saurashtra. Members 
of it had already made names for themselves in Gujarat, 
where they had acquired the reputation of being good 
and fierce soldiers and capable administrators. The first 
mention of the family occurs in a.d. 1664, when Sher 
Khan Babi was sent with an army against the Koli rebels 
of the Chunval district, near Viramgam. Sher Khan's 
father, Bahadur Khan, an Afghan, rose to some distinc- 
tion under the Emperor Shah Jehan, and members of the 
family were afterwards marked out for favour and advance- 
ment. Sher Khan had four sons, from the third of whom, 
Jafar Khan (also known as Safdar Khan), sprung the 
rulers of Radhanpur, Junagadh, and Wadasinor (Bala- 
sinor). From the fourth son, Shahbaz Khan, descended 
the family of the Ranpur house, now under Junagadh. 

On the Marathas entering Gujarat in a.d. 1705, Jafar 
Khan had been sent with the Moghal army operating 
against them. But he had been captured, two of his 
sons sharing the same fate, though afterwards cutting 
their way back. Jafar Khan was eventually ransomed, 
and was afterwards appointed Governor of Godhra. He 
died in a.d. 1725, at a time when his son, Salabat Mahomed 
Khan, was beginning to eclipse his father's fame. Salabat 
Mahomed Khan attained much influence in Saurashtra 
through his having been made the owner of the port of 
Gogha by the Moghal Emperor, and his advice and help 
were frequently sought in questions arising between the 
chiefs of the province and the Viceroys when on tribute- 
collecting expeditions. He was also Commander of the 
Gujarat army, and we have already seen how by his 
influence Jam Tamachi was reinstated at Nawanagar in 
A.D. 1727, and how he had been given a lady of the Jhala 
family in marriage. 

In A.D. 1728, while holding an important command at 
Viramgam, he was made Fouzdar of Sorath, at Junagadh. 
But the Marathas were then becoming so troublesome 



that he preferred not to go to his new headquarters and 
was allowed to send his son, Sher Khan, as deputy for 
him. On Salabat Mahomed Khan's death in a.d. 1730 
Sher Khan was remiGved from Junagadh, and retired for 
a time to Gogha. At this juncture a certain Sohrab Khan 
was Governor of Surat, and Bhavsinhji Gohel of Bhav- 
nagar, seeing in him a means of advancing the interests 
of Bhavnagar as against those of Gogha, made friends 
with him. To such an extent did he make use of Sohrab 
Khan's influence that he eventually succeeded in procuring 
the removal of Gogha from the Babis, who were granted 
in its place a jagir at Bantwa, not far from Junagadh. 
Unfortunately for Bhavsinhji, Sohrab Khan himself 
managed to obtain Gogha, but by his death a year or 
two afterwards, in a.d. 1735, Bhavsinhji's ambition 
became fulfilled, and Bhavnagar ceased to suffer from 
Gogha's rivalry. Bhavsinhji now reached the zenith of 
his power and reputation. He had succeeded in a few 
years in changing the petty chieftancy of the Gohels into 
one of much greater importance, and by his natural 
caution and long-sighted policy had succeeded in making 
himself the most influential chief in the peninsula. His 
reputation had been greatly enhanced by his defeat of 
the Marathas, who had succeeded, however, in imposing 
a regular tribute on the whole of Gujarat. The chiefs of 
Saurashtra shared in paying this levy, and the first entry 
of a Maratha tribute-collecting army into the peninsula 
took place under Damaji Gaekwad in a.d. 1735, to be 
followed less than two years after by another similar 

In A.D. 1738 Momin Khan, then Viceroy in Gujarat, 
restored to Sher Khan Babi his ancestral possession of 
Gogha, and shortly afterwards made him deputy-Governor 
of Sorath on behalf of Himat Ali Khan, nephew of Momin 
Khan, who had been appointed to the Governorship by 
the Emperor at Delhi. At Sher Khan's appointment a 







certain amount of ill-feeling and jealousy arose against 
him. But he had before shown his capacity in dealing 
with the Marathas, and so was permitted to remain at 
Junagadh, in spite of the vigorous attempts made to 
supplant him. The choice, however, was fully justified, 
for in very troublous times the affairs of Sorath were 
managed with great skill and judgment, and Sher Khan 
became even friendly with the Maratha spoilers. During 
this time he had no opportunity for directing affairs at 
Gogha, and Bhavsinhji was enabled to consolidate his 
power and to encroach on Gogha territory without hin- 
drance. In A.D. 1739 he entered into an agreement with 
the Abyssinian Commander at Surat whereby he under- 
took to pay the Abyssinian 1 J per cent, on the sea customs 
revenue of Bhavnagar port, and also to remit certain port 
and customs dues from Surat traders in return for protec- 
tion by sea. Both parties to the agreement further 
undertook to do their utmost to put down the piracy 
which existed in an aggravated form all round the coast 
of Saurashtra. 

Momin Khan, Viceroy of Gujarat, made one of his 
periodic incursions into Sorath in a.d. 1742 to collect 
tribute. At Gogha, where he first went, he met with no 
resistance, but Jam Tamachi of Nawanagar, as usual 
with the Jade j as, refused to pay. For twenty days he 
defied the Viceroy's army, but was then obliged to sur- 
render, and agreed to pay half a lakh of rupees. Jam 
Tamachi only survived a short time after Momin Khan's 
departure, for in a.d. 1743 he was murdered by Karan- 
sinhji Jhala of Wadhwan at the instigation of Jade j a 
Halaji of Pardhari, who had helped Jam Tamachi to 
regain Nawanagar sixteen years before. Halaji, who was 
a noted assassin, had become displeased with Jam Tamachi 
because he had been sent to his village, and had determined 
to revenge what he imagined to be his overlord's ingrati- 





Jam Tamachi had no son to succeed him, and on his 
death his daughter dressed up his body and showed it 
to the people from a lofty window in the palace at Nawa- 
nagar. The principal relations, seeing their ruler, as 
they thought, alive, started off in pursuit of Karansinhji 
Jhala, whom they imagined had but attempted to murder 
their chief. As soon as they were gone, Tamachi's 
daughter advised each of his wives to adopt a son secretly 
and to pretend they were legitimate heirs. The ruse was 
successful, and two boys were introduced into the palace — 
the elder, Lakhaji, being nominated his " father's " 

In A.D. 1745 Sheshabhai Jhala, second son of Raisinhji 
Jhala of Halwad and Dhrangadhra, conquered Sayla from 
the Khawad Kathis. Seizing also other villages round, 
he established himself at Sayla as a chief independent 
of Halwad, and the present Sayla State was thus founded. 

Meanwhile Sher Khan Babi had got himself seriously 
compromised through taking part in the many internal 
quarrels of Gujarat. He had left affairs in Junagadh to 
be carried on for him by two of his wives, and these ladies 
did nothing to forfeit the trust he placed in them. Conse- 
quently, when in a.d. 1748 he found matters in Gujarat 
had become extremely difficult for him, and that he was 
in danger of defeat by two powerful enemies, he placed 
his son, Sardar Mahomed, in charge of the family property 
at Wadasinor (Balasinor) and himself retired to Junagadh. 
Knowing the state of affairs in Gujarat and that no serious 
attempt could be made by the Moghals to oust him, he 
set himself up independently at Junagadh as Nawab, 
and assumed the title of Bahadur Khan. But for several 
years he was unable to do more than enforce his authority 
in the immediate vicinity of Junagadh. In the same year 
the Marathas under Kanoji Takpar, a Maratha general, 
joined Fakhr-ud-dowlah, Viceroy of Gujarat, in an expe- 
dition into Sorath to collect tribute. The Maratha forces 

129 I 



attacked and took Wanthali, but were obliged to return 
to the Deccan after doing so, although being desirous 
of effecting the capture of Junagadh also. 

Among other places, the Marathas left a representa- 
tive at Mangrol in the person of Jadav Jaswant. This 
man, however, so oppressed the Musalmans of the place 
that under Sheikh Mian, son of Kazi Fakhr-ud-din, they 
rose against him. Sheikh Mian then took the govern- 
ment into his own hands and levied taxes as an inde- 
pendent chief. Nineteen years later, in a.d. 1767, Sheikh 
Mian agreed to become a vassal of Junagadh, since which 
time the State has been subordinate to its more powerful 
neighbour. In a.d. 1749 Kutiana also was temporarily 
lost to the Mahomedans. Rana Vikmatji of Chhaya 
captured the place in that year and added it to the Jethwa 
possessions. The same year Sher Khan Babi left Junagadh 
to go to Gujarat in order to find out whether he could 
realize even greater ambitions than that of becoming an 
independent Nawab of Junagadh. But he came near to 
losing what he had already obtained, for during his absence 
a Purbia, by name Wasant Rai, obtained possession of 
Junagadh. He was expelled, however, by Dewan Dal- 
patram, who was acting for Sher Khan, but immediately 
obtained assistance from a Khant named Mansia, when 
the two attacked and seized the Uparkot. Using the 
fort as their base, they succeeded in plundering the entire 
surrounding country, and it was not for over a year that 
they were finally forced out of their stronghold. 

Scarcely had Wasant Rai and Mansia been ejected, 
when the Arabs in Junagadh revolted on account of their 
pay being in arrears, and seized the Uparkot in their 
turn. Sher Khan was now sent word as to what was 
happening at his capital, and he returned without delay 
and laid siege to the fort. But he was unable to evict 
his erstwhile attendants, and did not procure their sur- 
render until he had handed over to them a large sum 



of money, obtained by selling Dhoraji to Jadeja Kumbhoji 
of Gondal in a.d. 1754. For the remaining four years of 
Sher Khan Babi's life peace existed in Junagadh. He 
did not again leave his newly acquired possessions, and 
he ceased to take an interest in the disturbing affairs 
taking place in Gujarat during the time the Marathas 
were making their supremacy there firmly established. 

The Marathas in a.d. 1753 captured Ahmadabad, and 
though Momin Khan remained in Gujarat as Viceroy for 
the Moghal Emperor, his position was really only nominal. 
The Marathas practically occupied the coiuitry, and the 
Peshwa of Poona divided the tribute with the Gaekwad 
of Baroda. Indeed at Ahmadabad coins ceased to be 
struck in the name of the Emperor. The chiefs of 
Saurashtra withheld tribute, and the Moghals were unable 
to enforce any demands. Saurashtra soon ceased to 
acknowledge any authority from Delhi, and the peninsula 
became ovemm by Maratha armies, annually collecting 
the chouth, or fourth part of the revenue, which they 
declared to be their due. 

Shortly after Sheshabhai Jhala had established himself 
firmly at Sayla he succeeded in getting his elder brother, 
Gajsinhji of Halwad, completely under his influence, and 
finally made an attempt to usurp his dominions, and 
become himself the head of the Jhalas. He obtained 
possession of Dhrangadhra, and was not evicted until 
much hard fighting had occmrred in efforts by Gajsinhji 
to retake the town. On his quitting Dhrangadhra, Bai 
Jijiba, wife of Gajsinhji, installed herself there and ruled 
for her husband, he remaining at Halwad. Each paid 
half of the tribute due to the Marathas, and this unusual 
arrangement worked entirely satisfactorily. 

On October 17, 1756, the nominal Viceroy for the 
Emperor Alamgir II in Gujarat, Momin Khan, reassembled 
an army and drove the Marathas out of Ahmadabad. 
But this success was temporary only, for in less than two 



years the city again fell to the INIarathas and Moghal 
authority departed entirely from Gujarat. The Peshwa 
now appointed a Viceroy of Gujarat in the person of 
Sadashiv Ramchandra, who took over the government 
of the province and caused new coins to be struck at the 
mint in Ahmadabad. Scarcely had he set up the new 
Government, however, when he went into Saurashtra to 
collect money. Gogha now became the property of the 
Peshwa, and Sadashiv Ramchandra, journeying from 
Porbandar to Junagadh, desired to place a Maratha 
Governor at the latter place, but for some reason or other 
did not carry out his intention. The following year he 
again entered the peninsula and marched against Dhran- 
gadhra. Gajsinhji Jhala sent an army from Halwad to 
aid his wife, and while Halwad was thus denuded of 
troops a JNIaratha force surprised the town and Gajsinhji 
was taken prisoner, after a desperate struggle round the 
palace. He was held captive until payment of a sum of 
rather over one lakh of rupees purchased his release, which 
did not take place before several months had elapsed. 
Other chiefs, taking to heart the lesson so rudely brought 
home to Gajsinhji, paid their tribute without demur, and 
after again visiting Junagadh, the Marathas returned to 

On the death of Sher Khan of Junagadh in a.d. 1758 
he was succeeded by his son, Mahabat Khan, who was 
at first quite unable to cope with the anarchy and intrigue 
which surrounded him on every side. Scarcely had the 
new Nawab been proclaimed when his aunt, Bibi Saheba 
Sultan, sister of the late Nawab Sher Khan, seized him 
with the help of some Arabs, confined him in the Uparkot, 
and proclaimed her grandson, Muzafar Khan, to be 
Nawab. Hearing of the confusion at Junagadh, another 
member of the Babi family, Jawan Mard Khan of Sami- 
Munjpur, in Gujarat, considered the opportunity to be 
a good one for uniting the property of the two branches 




\ \ 











of the family under himself. Consequently he went to 
Junagadh and occupied the town. Returning to Sami- 
Munjpur, he left his son to besiege the Uparkot as his 
deputy. The Uparkot, however, held out, and the 
usurpers were obliged to raise the siege and march some 
distance away to watch events. Meanwhile, close by, 
at Gondal, Jadeja Kumbhoji was establishing himself, 
and he, fearing a strong man in the person of Jawan 
Mard Khan as a neighbour, made peaceful overtures with 
such good effect that the usurper agreed to return to 
Gujarat and to leave Junagadh alone. Through his 
influence Mahabat Khan was released, and Bibi Saheba 
Sultan removed from Junagadh. Muzafar Khan and his 
brother, Fatehyab Khan, were granted the estate of 
Ranpur, on condition that they renounced all claims to 
the chiefship, and for this successful attempt at arbitra- 
tion Kumbhoji managed to procure Upleta from Junagadh 
at a low price. But it was some time before the disorder 
at Junagadh disappeared. Almost as soon as the young 
Nawab was released, the want of money caused further 
trouble. The Arab troops, who were much in arrears 
in spite of having been enriched several times by the 
spoil obtained from plundering expeditions into the 
neighbouring country, rebelled and seized the Uparkot, 
from which they were expelled after some time by the 
famous Dewan Amarji, then a youth of eighteen, who had 
come from Mangrol seeking service at Junagadh, and 
was permitted to try conclusions with the Arabs by way 
of proving his mettle. 

Under the Marathas Saurashtra became known as 
Kathiawad, and this has since been the official designa- 
tion of the province. Formerly the term was applied 
to a tract near the centre of the peninsula occupied by 
the Kathis, who resisted the Marathas so stoutly when 
engaged on tribute-collecting expeditions, that they con- 
sidered them the most important enemies to be reckoned 


I.' !■ 

IS ■! 


with, and extended the name of their part of the penin- 
sula to the whole. The dominion of the Marathas over 
Kathiawad never took the form of an occupation of the 
country, and to this day there are probably fewer Marathas 
to be found in it than any other of the peoples constituting 
its population. They did not even leave representatives 
or deputies of any importance to safeguard their interests, 
but were content to fix a certain tribute as being due 
from the province, and to send annually an army to 
collect it. As this army was nearly always resisted in 
some way, and as the devastations it caused can be 
better imagined than described, it may be easily under- 
stood that Saurashtra did not enjoy either peace or 
happiness under Maratha domination. 


f ; 



(a.d. 1760-1784) 

In the latter half of the eighteenth century three remark- 
able men arose in Saurashtra, and its history during 
those years is almost entirely bound up with their lives. 
They guided the destinies of the principal States in the 
peninsula, and as a result of their accomplishments and 
statesmanship the country became constituted practically 
as we find it to-day. For many years Saurashtra had 
failed to produce any man capable of taking any substan- 
tial place in its history — though in making this assertion 
we must except Bhavsinhji Gohel, who founded Bhav- 
nagar. No man had arisen capable of uniting the warring 
elements of the peninsula, and of making a serious and 
connected stand against the incursions of the Marathas 
on the downfall of Moghal authority in Gujarat. Going 
back further, we see that no man had arisen to confront 
Sultan Mahomed Begarah, and the Portugese alone at 
Diu had been able to withstand the attacks of Islam. And 
so in the same way we see all along its history that Sau- 
rashtra has been imable to produce a great man at a 
critical time. Warriors and fighting men there have been 
in plenty, of which we have already had ample evidence 
in foregoing pages. But it was not until the middle part 
of the eighteenth centiiry that any man came into notice 
who combined the powers of fighting with those of organi- 
zation and statecraft. And then three such men arose. 
Perhaps the most important of these three was Amarji, 
Dewan of Junagadh. Born in about a.d. 1742, the son 



of Kunvarji, a Nagar Brahman, his boyhood was passed 
in Mangrol, and at about the age of eighteen he left his 
native town and went to Junagadh in an endeavour to 
get service under the new Nawab, Mahabat Khan. When 
he arrived at Junagadh he found the place in a state of 
siege. The Arabs, of which the army was largely com- 
posed, had rebelled, and were defying all attempts to 
drive them from the Uparkot or to pacify them. At 
this juncture Amarji asked to be allowed to have some 
appointment, and the Nawab told him that if he could 
obtain possession of the Wageswari gate of the fort, then 
held by the Arabs, he would establish for himself a claim 
to enter his service. Taking him at his word, Amarji 
went to Porbandar, from which place he obtained the 
services of an Arab Jamadar named Salmin, who imder- 
took to produce a number of Arab soldiers to recapture 
the Uparkot for the Nawab. When they reached Juna- 
gadh, the Nawab, however, refused them entrance to the 
town, fearing they would join hands with the rebels in 
the Uparkot. But he gave leave to attack from outside 
the walls at the Wageswari gate, which they did with 
such effect that the gate and the Uparkot fell into Amarji*s 
hands, and he handed over the place to the Nawab, 
together with the captured Arabs, who had agreed to 
surrender without further bloodshed on a promise by 
Amarji of settlement to the extent of half the amount of 
their previous demands. Amarji obtained much credit 
for this success, and was immediately given a high place 
in the Nawab's service, Jamadar Salmin also being given 
an appointment. In this way Amarji began his remark- 
ably successful career, which was passed altogether in 
the service of Nawabs Mahabat Khan and Hamed Khan 
of Junagadh. 

Meraman Khawas, the second of the three men referred 
to, was at first in the service of Halwad, and accompanied 
Bai Jawuba from that place to Nawanagar on her marriage 




with Jam Lakhaji. He was a man of great strength of 
character, who brooked interference from none once he 
had established an ascendancy over the weak-minded 
Jam. Eventually Bai Jawuba felt unable any longer to 
bear her humiliating position, and in a.d. 1756 she orga- 
nized a movement to overthrow Meraman. Nanji Khawas, 
Meraman's brother, was killed as a result, but Meraman 
collected such followers as he could find, stormed the 
palace, slew or captured the guards, and took Bai Jawuba 
prisoner. He placed her under a guard and in a secure 
retreat, and assumed complete charge of the administra- 
tion of Nawanagar with very little opposition. Jam 
Lakhaji became a puppet in his hands, and on his death 
in A.D. 1768 he was succeeded by the elder of his two 
infant sons. Jam Jasaji. Being entirely unscrupulous, 
Meraman Khawas, imtil his death in a.d. 1800, kept the 
young Jam in close confinement and nipped in the bud 
any attempt made to place him in charge of the affairs of 
the State. 

The third of the great men of Kathiawad during the 
second half of the eighteenth century was Wakhatsinhji 
Gohel of Bhavnagar, who in a.d. 1772 succeeded his father, 
Akherajji, at the age of twenty-four. From the day he 
ascended the gadi his time was largely spent, imtil his 
death in a.d. 1816, in fighting the Kathis and in estab- 
lishing good relations with the British Government, who 
were now beginning to make good their footing in Western 
India. The proximity of Bhavnagar and Gogha to Surat 
and other ports which came under the British was a great 
factor in determining his policy, and Akherajji, his father, 
had had several dealings with the British which Wakhat- 
sinhji was wise enough to understand greatly benefited 
his State, In a.d. 1771, for instance, the British, when 
concluding a treaty with the Nawab of Cambay, bound 
him never on any pretence to molest Bhavnagar port, or 
any of the possessions of Akherajji Gohel. In the same 




? 1 ^ ; . 


year the British invited the help of Akherajji in subduing 
the pirates who had long been a scourge and a danger to 
Bhavnagar trade, and had lately attacked British shipping. 
Akherajji agreed, and a combined attack was made on 
Talaja, which the pirate Kolis had turned into a strong- 
hold. The fort was stormed and taken, and by way of 
reward the British offered Talaja to Akherajji, who, 
however, refused the gift as he was unwilling to extend 
his territories West of the Shatrunji River. Talaja was 
then given to the Nawab of Cambay. That the British 
thought highly of Akherajji is further shown by the fact 
that they asked him to receive and protect Raghunath 
Rao in a.d. 1771 on his flight from Poona, and whose 
cause they were then espousing. This act of courtesy 
and hospitality Akherajji performed, and afterwards sent 
the Maratha on board one of his own ships to Bombay. 
He only ruled for eight years, however, and it was for 
Wakhatsinhji to reap the benefit of his father's foresight 
and to model his own policy on similar lines. With 
Wakhatsinhji may be said to have begun those excellent 
terms of cordiality and friendship which have always 
subsisted between the British Government and the chiefs 
of Kathiawad, and which have become too deep-rooted 
to change. 

Let us now follow the career of Amarji, Dewan of 
Junagadh. As soon as he had performed the task which 
first gained him a footing with the Nawab, he was sent off 
to capture Verawal, which had been captured by Sheikh 
Mian of Mangrol from Bibi Saheba Sultan, who had 
possessed herself of the place on being driven out of Juna- 
gadh some years before. Amarji at this time had been 
appointed to superintend the military administration in 
the State, the kind of work which he soon proved himself 
perfectly capable of undertaking. The army marched to 
Verawal and encamped at the village of Adri, some four 
miles from the town. Here the Nawab remained with a 



body of troops in reserve, while Amarji with the remainder 
advanced to the walls of Verawal, on arrival at which 
they surprised the garrison and put many to the sword. 
Meanwhile a party of Sindhis had been sent by sea with 
the object of gaining, if possible, a footing on the seaward 
side. This detachment, too, entered the town and joined 
hands with Amarji's force, at which the defenders lost 
heart and fled. On the next day the Nawab himself 
brought the remainder of the forces from Adri to Verawal. 
But Sheikh Mian was not yet conquered, and a year or so 
later began again making his presence felt in the Southern 
parts of the Junagadh territory. Amarji again marched 
against him, and having captured the forts of Shil Bagasra, 
Dewasa and Mahiari, invested Mangrol. A furious attack 
was withstood for some time, and indeed repulsed with 
vigour, Amarji's horse receiving no less than eleven 
wounds. But the defenders were finally obliged to submit, 
and Sheikh Mian sent Amarji's own paternal uncle to 
obtain the best terms he could. Peace was finally made 
on the Sheikh agreeing to give the Nawab a half-share in 
his territories. 

Shortly after this affair, in a.d. 1770, Sher Zaman 
Khan of Bantwa, uncle of the Nawab of Junagadh, attacked 
Junagadh by night in the hope of effecting a surprise and 
supplanting his nephew as ruler of the State. He advanced 
against the Majewadi gate of the town, but met with such 
a hot reception that, perceiving the attack was in no 
way a surprise, he turned and fled to Bantwa. Amarji 
had got notice of the intended surprise, and had laid his 
trap so well that it was not until the fight had been begun 
that the attacking force recognized their plans had mis- 
carried. Shortly afterwards a Kathi of Jetpur, Kumpa 
Wala, invited Amarji's assistance in destroying Dalkhania 
in the Gir Forest, a place which had long been a retreat 
of outlaws and highway robbers. The combined forces 
of Kumpa Wala and Junagadh attacked the stronghold, 



and Amarji, after the place had been stormed, vigorously 
pursued the outlaws and killed great numbers of them. 
At that time the Gir Forest was filled with such people, 
who attacked and looted travellers on every possible 
occasion. Their defeat had a salutary effect, and the 
Gir became no longer so dangerous as it had formerly 

It happened that some years before, in a.d. 1759, 
Hashim Khan, a son of Nawab Sher Khan of Junagadh, 
had captured Kutiana from Rana Sultan ji of Chhaya, 
and had there established himself. Before long he began 
to oppress the inhabitants, however, and the Rana 
becoming very strong, it was anticipated that he would 
make an effort to regain Kutiana, in which case it was 
feared Hashim Khan would not put up a very stout defence 
and might even sell the town. Amarji, therefore, con- 
sidered it quite advisable to make quite sure that such a 
valuable frontier post should not be lost to Junagadh, 
and called upon Hashim Khan to surrender it to him 
so that adequate measures for its protection might be 
imdertaken. Hashim Khan refused, and defied Amarji to 
oust him. The Dewan thereupon, in a.d. 1770, advanced 
against him, and after blowing up by a mine one of the 
principal bastions, effected an entry into the town. Hashim 
Khan now surrendered, and was given a jagir in a 
less dangerous part of the Junagadh State, while Amarji's 
younger brother, Govindji, was installed as Governor of 

Towards the end of the year a.d. 1771 Akherajji Gohel 
of Bhavnagar, shortly before his death, was invited by 
the British to co-operate with them in an attack on the 
pirate stronghold at Talaja. The military exploits of 
Amarji were now becoming well known in the peninsula, 
and Akherajji invited him to take part in the attack also. 
An army was thereupon taken from Junagadh and Talaja 
attacked by the combined forces. In the fight which 



ensued Amarji was wounded in the leg by a musket-ball. 
But the port was taken and handed over to the Nawab 
Nur-ud-din of Cambay, who subsequently, being unable 
to pay it adequate attention, sold it for eighty thousand 
rupees to Akherajji's successor, Wakhatsinhji. After the 
capture of the fort Amarji returned to Junagadh, where 
he was made the recipient of many gifts by the Nawab 
Mahabat Khan in appreciation of his prowess. 

Amarji now began to make his power felt f mother afield, 
and in a.d. 1771 marched Northwards and attacked the 
troublesome Mianas of Malia. These people had been 
introduced some years before by Jade j a Morji of Malia, 
son of Jadeja Kayaji of Morvi, and were a Musalman 
tribe originally from Sind. They were notorious thieves 
and altogether a very dangerous community, but brave 
and hardy to a degree. The reason of Morji's entertain- 
ment of such people has never been really discovered, but 
it is conjectured he introduced them into his service as 
fighting men to help him to realize some ambitious scheme. 
Gradually, however, they increased in numbers and power, 
and became, and have long been, a disturbing element in 
the North of the peninsula. Amarji's expedition against 
them proved entirely successful, and after beating them 
he heavily fined them. He next marched against the 
Rabaris of Babriawad and compelled them to pay a 
yearly fine and to restore much property they had plundered 
from travellers and others. 

As in the case of nearly all successful men, Amarji 
made enemies. Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal feared that 
his continued run of victories would end in an attack on 
Dhoraji and Upleta, with the object of regaining them for 
Junagadh. The Nawab, also, began to fear his powerful 
Minister, and to believe that the Dewan would endeavour 
to supplant him when he considered himself sufficiently 
strong to do so. While he was in this frame of mind, 
Kumbhoji approached him and pointed out the danger 





f! ■ 

i ! 


of allowing a Dewan to obtain such power, and the two 
agreed that Amarji must be killed or imprisoned. Amarji 
with his two brothers, DuUabhji and Govindji, were 
thereupon seized and throvni into prison, while Jamadar 
Salmin, who had been Amarji's firm friend since the day 
when they attacked together the Arabs in the Uparkot 
and so laid the foundation of their success, was murdered. 
For five months the Dewan was kept in confinement, and 
was eventually set free only on promising to pay a heavy 
fine, for which his son Raghunathji was retained as a 
hostage. On regaining his liberty Amarji went to Jetpur, 
where he lived for some time in retirement. 

But before many months had elapsed, Nawab Mahabat 
Khan found he was unable to do without his capable 
Minister. In a.d. 1774 Sheikh Mian of Mangrol again 
began ravaging the country, and the Nawab himself 
determined to take an army against his unruly neighbour. 
But he was unable to effect his subjugation, and instead 
began to suffer heavy losses while encamped about four- 
teen miles from Mangrol. He therefore decided to recall 
Amarji from Jetpur, and sent messages asking him to 
resume the Dewanship. About the same time an envoy 
from the Rao of Kachh arrived in Jetpur, who offered 
Amarji the Dewanship of Kachh. But he accepted service 
under his former master, and joined him before Mangrol. 
Sheikh Mian now submitted, agreed to restore the property 
he had plundered and to pay a fine, and finally to become 
a vassal of Junagadh. Amarji now marched against the 
Zamindar of Sutrapada, and compelled him to surrender 
the fort and town, which became from that time a 
Junagadh possession. 

Scarcely had Sutrapada been reduced, when Meraman 
Khawas, Dewan of Nawanagar, invited Amarji to co- 
operate with him in an attack on Positra, the headquarters 
of the pirates of Okhamandal (Dwarka). The depreda- 
tions committed on the seas by these robbers had always 



been a serious menace to trade, and in spite of many 
isolated attempts to put down the piracy, it continued 
unabated. Amarji, therefore, considered the object of 
attack to be a good one, and, marching Westward, he 
effected a junction of his forces with those of Nawanagar. 
The allies now advanced on Positra, and carried the 
place by mine and assault. The pirates were completely 
defeated, and an enormous quantity of booty fell into 
the hands of the conquerors. Before the armies left the 
scene of operations, news arrived to the effect that 
Nawab Mahabat Khan of Junagadh had died in April 
of that year (a.d. 1775), and Amarji at once collected 
his forces and treasure and marched to Junagadh, where 
he seated Hamed Khan, a boy of eight years of 
age, on his father's gadi. Having completed this 
duty, he departed into Jhalawad on a tribute-collecting 

While Amarji was still away from Junagadh, Adil 
Khan Babi and Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa induced 
the young Nawab's mother to take part in a rebellion. 
They then captured, with scarcely any opposition, the 
fort of Wanthali, and begged Mahipatrao, the Maratha 
Governor of Gujarat, who happened at the time to be in 
Kathiawad collecting tribute, to come to their assistance. 
On being informed of these happenings, Amarji returned 
with all speed from his expedition and proceeded to march 
against the Marathas with all speed. Mahipatrao, being 
anxious to avoid the chance of defeat, desisted from 
taking part any longer in the quarrel and made overtures 
for peace. Amarji allowed them to depart immolested, 
but not until they had handed him over such money as 
they had already collected, and had entrusted him with 
the collection of the remainder. When this powerful 
factor had departed, Amarji proceeded to invest Wanthali, 
which fell before his attack in a very short time. On 
account of his close relationship with the Nawab's family, 



if, I 






Mukhtiar Khan's life was spared, and he was permitted to 
retire in disgrace to Bantwa. 

Towards the end of a.d. 1776 the Marathas again 
entered Kathiawad under Amrat Rao and Thoban, 
representatives of the Peshwa of Poona and the Gaekwad 
of Baroda respectively. Amarji was at the time in the 
Panchal district, but heard of their arrival and desire to 
fight, and hastened back towards Junagadh. The two 
armies met at Jetpur, where the Marathas advanced to 
the attack in great numbers. Amarji resisted vigorously, 
and in the drawn battle which ensued received himself a 
wound on the shoulder from a sword, which was only 
prevented from being fatal by the armour he was wearing 
concealed at the time. On the following day, neither 
side having gained any appreciable advantage, peace was 
brought about by the instrumentality of Jade j a Kumbhoji 
of Gondal, and Kanthad Wala, a Kathi chief of Jetpur, 
and after a mutual exchange of presents and compliments 
the Marathas returned to Ahmadabad. 

Jade j a Waghji of Morvi now requested Amarji to 
attack the fort of Palanswa and the village of Kerianagar, 
in the Wagad territory of Kachh. The Dewan agreed, 
and, crossing the Rann, subdued the two places. He 
then returned to Saurashtra, after having received many 
valuable presents as a peace-offering from the Rao of 

Late in a.d. 1777 Jiwaji Shamraj entered the penin- 
sula with an army to collect money on behalf of the 
Gaekwad of Baroda. He reached Amreli, and there 
proceeded to establish himself independently, and to attack 
all the adjacent territory. He had all but succeeded in 
making his position secure when Amarji marched against 
him, considering that a powerful and ambitious neighbour 
would be dangerous to the interests of Junagadh. The 
Dewan drove in all the outlying Maratha forces, and 
Jiwaji Shamraj was compelled to shut himself up in 





Amreli, in which town he was besieged. He did not hold 
out for long, however, and soon surrendered, when he 
was obliged to leave the province and Amreli fort was 
destroyed. At the close of the following year, however, 
Fatehsinha Rao Gaekwad of Baroda himself entered 
Kathiawad, being anxious to restore Maratha prestige 
after the disaster sustained by Jiwaji Shamraj. He 
advanced as far as Jetpur and there encamped. But 
hearing on all sides of the skill and prowess in war of 
Amarji, he considered it would be better for the present 
to put off his belligerent attitude, and to attack at some 
future and more favourable opportunity. He therefore 
sent presents to the Dewan instead of a challenge, and 
remitted the amount of tribute remaining due at the 
time. The next year he entered Kathiawad with the 
same intention, but was again obliged to put off his design 
as he found he was quite unable to try conclusions with 
Amarji with reasonable chances of success. 

In the meanwhile, Rana Sultan ji of Chhaya had built 
in A.D. 1778 the fort of Bethali, near the Nawanagar 
border, which was regarded by Meraman Khawas, Dewan 
of Nawanagar, as an act of enmity. He thereupon 
advanced on Bethali, and Rana Sultanji asked aid from 
Dewan Amarji in repelling him. Amarji came to his 
assistance, but not until the defenders had beaten off a 
determined assault made by the Nawanagar army. On 
the approach of the Junagadh forces Meraman raised 
the siege, and a treaty of peace was drawn up and con- 
cluded, by which the Nawanagar army desisted from 
attacking the Rana any further, and the fort was 

Shortly afterwards Rana Sultanji collected a large 
force of Arabs, who began creating disturbances in the 
Barda Hills, and so troublesome to the countryside did 
these men become that Amarji called on the Rana to 
cause a stop to be put to their depredations. By way of 

145 K 




supporting his request, he marched in person against the 
Rana, who submitted with a bad grace, but with the gift 
of many valuable presents, to the terms imposed upon 
him. Amarji now expelled some troublesome Sindhis 
from the forts of Devra and Khageshri, after which he 
advanced against Una and Delwada, where one Sheikh 
Tahir had been for some time giving trouble. These 
two places being subdued, a Nagar Brahman, by name 
Prabhashankar, was left to look after them, and Amarji 
returned to Junagadh. 

The Dewan's enemies now began to make more deter- 
mined efforts to secure his overthrow and disgrace, and, 
if possible, his death. He was feared on every side, and 
no neighbouring chief knew when it might not be his own 
turn to have to submit to the all-powerful influence in 
Junagadh. Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal still feared for 
his continued possession of Dhoraji and Upleta, and 
Nawab Hamed Khan was made suspicious of his Dewan's 
power, as his father had been before him. Meraman 
Klhawas cherished a thought of revenge for Amarji's 
action at Bethali, and Rana Sultanji was ready to join 
in any conspiracy against the man who had caused his 
humiliation in the Barda Hills episode. Jadeja Kumbhoji 
considered the time had come for a concerted effort to 
be made to secure the removal of Amarji, and in a.d. 1782 
the armies of the principal conspirators advanced on 
Kutiana, where they began pillaging the surrounding 
Junagadh territory. Amarji hastened against them and 
advanced on Jetpur, where he came up with the Nawanagar 
contingent. Meraman Khawas retreated across the River 
Bhadar to Panchpipla, where he entrenched himself, but 
Amarji pursuing him drove him back still further, and 
gained a victory of some importance. As it chanced, 
Manaji Gaekwad, brother of Fatehsinha Rao Gaekwad 
of Baroda, was then in the neighbourhood, and Meraman 
Khawas called upon him for assistance. In view of the 


A i 


largely augmented force now to be brought against him, 
Amarji retreated on Junagadh, while the allied forces 
besieged and stormed the fort of Devra, which fell after 
an investment lasting seven days. Manaji Gaekwad now 
refused to take further part in the proceedings, and 
returned with his army to Baroda, while Meraman Khawas, 
Rana Sultan ji, and Jadeja Kumbhoji retired to their 
respective capitals. 

Amarji now decided to take the offensive and crush 
his enemies in detail. He therefore made a rapid descent 
on Rana Sultanji and laid waste his territory. Meraman 
Khawas, fearing similar reprisals, now made peace, and 
after paying a large fine sent an army to co-operate 
against the Rana, who was obliged to submit, to pay an 
enhanced tribute, and to repair the fort of Devra, which 
had been much damaged during the recent attack upon 
it. The Dewan now took an army into Jhalawad to collect 
tribute, intending to attack Gondal on the return journey. 
But he was too late. Nawab Hamed Khan suddenly 
left the army on a plea of sickness to return to Jtmagadh, 
and on the way passed through Gondal, where Kumbhoji 
induced him to be his guest for the night. During the 
short time at his disposal, he managed to persuade the 
Nawab that Amarji' s very existence was a menace to him, 
and that he aimed shortly at turning him out of Junagadh 
and founding his own rule. Before he left Gondal, Hamed 
Khan agreed to bring about the assassination of his 
Minister, receiving in return from Kumbhoji a sum of 
three lakhs of Nawanagar " Koris," when the deed were 
accomplished. Four conspirators named Manohardas 
Trikamdas, Mehta Khan, Jubah Khan, and Jiwan Khan 
agreed, on obtaining promises of great rewards, to murder 
the Dewan, and on his return from Jhalawad to celebrate 
the Holi festival he was entrapped in the palace and 
miu-dered on March 6, 1784. Simultaneously his brother 
Dullabhji and his son Ranchhodji were imprisoned. 


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The death of Amarji was a great blot on the Junagadh 
State. Through his genius and energy it had risen to 
premier importance in Kathiawad ; and his wise and 
careful administration, coupled with the knowledge of 
his power, made him feared and respected even by the 
Marathas. Amarji had faithfully served the Nawabs, 
and it is doubtful whether he ever seriously considered an 
idea of usurping the State and supplanting them. Had 
he done so, he had numerous opportimities of effecting 
such an ambition of which a man of his nature would 
scarcely have failed to take advantage. There can be 
no doubt that his aim was to secure for the Nawab of 
Junagadh the complete subjugation of the peninsula. 
But he failed in this since he was unable to preserve the 
peace between the many diverse peoples composing its 

A story typical of the man is told of how he first gained 
the enmity of Jadeja Kumbhoji, and thereby laid the 
foundation of his own assassination. Shortly after Kumb- 
hoji had built a strong fort at Dhoraji he showed it one 
day with pride to the Dewan, expecting that a man of his 
prowess would appreciate in high terms of praise the fine 
military work the fort presented. Amarji listened for 
some time in silence while all the strong points were 
described to him in detail, and finally when asked for his 
opinion he said : "It looks well enough, but it is as 
nothing before even the shoes of the Nawab of Junagadh " ! 
Kumbhoji, really mortified and insulted, never forgave 
him for this reply, and from that day became the Dewan's 
most powerful and most active enemy. 


l(. \- 


(a.d. 1756-1807) 

Very soon after the minor Jam Jasaji had succeeded his 
father in Nawanagar, Meraman Khawas was offered a 
good opportunity of showing the position he intended 
to assume, and he did not hesitate to take it. Rao Godji 
of Kachh considered that now was his time to benefit in 
some way, either in money or land, at the expense of 
Nawanagar, and wrote threatening letters to Meraman, 
declaring his intention of invading Nawanagar, and 
demanding compensation if he should not do so. The 
Dewan at once marched against the Rao's fort at Balambha, 
and attacked and captured it before the Rao was able 
to cross the Rann of Kachh to come to its assistance. 
When he did succeed in crossing he was not allowed to 
remain long in the peninsula, but was obliged to retire, 
not only without having effected anything but instead 
having lost Balambha, and consequently his footing in 
Saurashtra. Meraman now began to consolidate his 
power in Nawanagar, and proceeded to attack Jadeja 
Halaji of Pardhari, who had seized Modpur after having 
brought about the assassination of Jam Tamachi in 
A.D. 1743 and had since been in open rebellion. Modpur 
was now invested, and surrendered on Halaji being killed 
by a musket-shot in the neck. Bai Jawuba, who had 
in A.D. 1756 endeavoured unsuccessfully to bring about 
Meraman's ruin, now left Nawanagar on the excuse of 
proceeding on a pilgrimage. Hastening to Dhrangadhra, 
she plotted there in secret for the removal of Meraman 





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from Nawanagar. The Khawas, however, became cog- 
nizant of her designs, and induced her to return to 
Nawanagar, little thinking that the whole of her schemes 
were known. On the same day on which she returned 
to Nawanagar she was murdered by Chand Ghori, a 
servant of Meraman, and by her death the principal 
influence against which Meraman had had to contend was 

We have already seen in the foregoing chapter how in 
A.D. 1774 Meraman invited Dewan Amarji of Junagadh 
to co-operate with him in an attack on Positra, and of 
the successful result of the expedition ; and also of the 
Bethali affair in a.d. 1778, when Meraman quarrelled 
with Rana Sultanji over the building of the fort near the 
Nawanagar border. On this latter occasion, as soon as 
the terms of peace had been drawn up and signed, Meraman 
invited Amarji to an entertainment at Khambhalia with 
the intention of poisoning him. But Amarji learnt of 
his danger and excused himself from attending. In 
A.D. 1783 Meraman joined the conspiracy against Amarji, 
and was beaten by him at Panchpipla, near Jetpur, after 
which he sought and obtained peace, and the combined 
armies of Nawanagar and Junagadh ravaged the lands 
of the Jethwas. These terms of friendship with Junagadh 
were maintained until Amarji was murdered in a.d. 1784, 
when Meraman gave succour to members of the Dewan's 
family who fled to escape persecution in Junagadh. 
Meraman now saw he must make Nawanagar more secure 
from attack, and in a.d. 1788 he strengthened it by 
building a fort of white stone, which contained five gates, 
twenty-three towers, and eight posterns. 

Four years later, in a.d. 1792, Meraman felt his power 
to be sufficiently consolidated for him to undertake an 
expedition on a large scale, and marched with an army 
against the Kathis. Without much difficulty he suc- 
ceeded in capturing most of their principal towns, and 



Santhali, Babra, Kotda Pitha, Kariana, Anandpur, Bar- 
wala, and Jasdan fell before his onslaught. Wajsur 
Khachar of Jasdan now offered to exchange Atkot, and 
on these terms Jasdan was restored to him. But Dada 
Khachar of Atkot, a relation of Wajsur Khachar, very 
naturally objected to these proceedings, and showed his 
feelings in a practical manner by going into outlawry 
against Nawanagar. Meraman considered that it would 
be dangerous to leave the country with such a man abroad, 
fearing he would engineer a rebellion in the lately con- 
quered districts. He thereupon made terms with the 
Kathi, whereby Atkot was to be handed back to him 
provided he proceeded with an army against Morvi and 
were successful in operations against the Jadeja chief 
of that place. Dada Khachar agreed on condition that he 
were given sole command of some Nawanagar troops for 
the purpose, and with a small force which was placed 
under him he three times ravaged Morvi territory. 

While returning from the last raid he was overtaken 
and surprised by the Morvi forces near Chotila, and his 
small army was greatly outnumbered. He decided to die 
fighting, and called for volunteers to stay with him, 
giving permission to the remainder to save their lives by 
flight. About thirty Kathis stood by him, and this little 
band made a desperate charge against the whole Morvi 
army. Dada Khachar obtained his desire, for he and 
all his faithful followers were slain after making a noble 
struggle to break through the ranks of their enemies* 

The Jadeja chiefs of Halawad (Halar) now considered 
that Meraman was becoming too powerful, and that Jam 
Jasaji should remain no longer in the humiliating position 
he occupied at Nawanagar, completely under the influence 
of the Khawas, although being nearly thirty years of age. 
Accordingly in a.d. 1794 Jadejas Meramanji of Rajkot, 
Daji of Gondal, Ranmalji of Khirasara, and Modji of 
Dhrol marched into Nawanagar territory and laid waste 



[• ! 


the country. Meraman Khawas marched against them, 
supported by Raghunathji, eldest son of the late Dewan 
Amarji of Junagadh, who came from Chorwad, where he 
was in retirement, on receiving a call for help from 
Meraman. Jaswantsinhji Jhala of Dhrangadhra (which 
place was now the undisputed capital of the Jhalas) 
brought an army also to the help of Meraman, and in the 
very short time of one week the Sardhar district of Rajkot 
had become a waste. It happened that Wakhatsinhji 
Gohel of Bhavnagar was just then at Jasdan, where he 
had been chastising the Kathis, and was contemplating 
an attack on the Kathi stronghold of Jetpur ; while 
marching against him was Nawab Hamed Khan of Juna- 
gadh with an army to help the Kathis. Much fighting 
was imminent between the two, when Meraman Khawas, 
fearing for his recently conquered Kathi districts, came 
forward with an offer to mediate between the two, and 
spent twenty days inducing the would-be combatants to 
return to their respective capitals. Scarcely had this 
danger been removed, however, when Nawanagar was 
threatened by an attack from Kachh, where the Jadeja 
confederacy had applied for aid. Fateh Mahomed, Dewan 
of Rao Rayadhanji of Kachh, crossed the Rann at the 
head of a large army, with which he hoped to avenge the 
injuries suffered at the hands of Nawanagar in the past. 
The memory of the loss of Balambha was still fresh, and 
besides great riches were expected from the plunder of 

Meraman detached his brother, Bhawan Khawas, to 
meet the new danger, and a portion of the Nawanagar 
army marched Northwards under him to resist the landing. 
Bhawan Khawas encamped at Khakhrabela village, await- 
ing an opportunity to attack. But he was disappointed, 
for Fateh Mahomed skilfully marched round his flank and 
encamped on the plain of Pardhari. Here a fight took 
place on ground advantageous to the invaders, who had 






meanwhile been joined by the detachments of the allied 
Jadejas. The Kachh army consisted of nearly thirty- j&ve 
thousand men, and on seeing the forces arranged against 
him Bhawan Khawas ordered a retreat of the Nawanagar 
forces to Jhilaria, eight miles to the Westward, at the 
same time asking Jaswantsinhji Jhala to mediate with 
the enemy with the object of inducing Fateh Mahomed 
to return to Kachh. The retreat of the Nawanagar forces 
was fast resembling a rout when Raghunathji (son of 
Dewan Amarji) pointed out to Bhawan Khawas the 
danger he was running, and before a mile of the journey 
had been completed the retirement was stayed. 

The Nawanagar army now formed up in line of battle, 
Raghunathji commanding the right and Bhawan Khawas 
the left and centre. The fight commenced with an attack 
on the right by a large force of Kachh infantry, who were, 
however, beaten back. Fateh Mahomed now ordered 
an attack with the whole remaining force on the Nawanagar 
left, with such success that the whole army of Bhawan 
Khawas was crumpled up and destroyed. The Khawas 
fled to Jalia and the Gondal contingent plundered his 
camp, while Fateh Mahomed moved to the attack of 
Jaswantsinhji Jhala, whose forces had so far not been 
engaged. But the Dhrangadhra troops withstood the 
onslaught and succeeded in extricating themselves credit- 
ably. The Kachh army now plundered the country as 
far as Khambhalia, but avoided Nawanagar, where 
Meraman Khawas was securely entrenched. In spite of 
this victory, however, the plans of the allies had so far 
miscarried that Jam Jasaji still remained entirely subor- 
dinate to Meraman Khawas, and he besought the Jadejas 
and the Rao of Kachh to make one more effort to release 
him. Meraman heard of this, and by way of deterring 
any from plotting against him in future, cut off the nose 
and ears of all who were discovered to have taken any 
part, however small, in making the fresh overtures. 





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The allies were on the point of making further con- 
certed efforts to release the Jam, when in a.d. 1794 a 
Maratha army of the Peshwa under Abu Shelukar appeared 
on its annual expedition in Saurashtra. Meraman Khawas 
decided to buy their help, and succeeded in inducing 
Abu Shelukar to attack Gondal after paying him large 
sums of money. The Marathas excelled in this mode of 
warfare, and laid waste the Gondal territory so effectively 
that the Jadeja was quickly reduced to a state of help- 
lessness, and when the Marathas returned to Ahmadabad 
Meraman Khawas had nothing further to fear from him. 
As Rajkot had been laid waste earlier in the same year, 
the only enemy Meraman now had to fear was the Rao of 

In A.D. 1795 a Nawanagar army marched to Dwarka 
and attacked the Wagher pirates, taking from them 
several villages and destroying others. Two years later a 
Maratha army, collecting tribute, encamped at Pardhari, 
near Nawanagar, and while they were there Jam Jasaji 
and his younger brother, Sataji, managed to effect for a 
short time their escape from bondage. They won over a 
nmnber of Arab soldiers to their side, and on a certain 
night it was agreed that the Arabs should remain in 
ambush outside the city, and enter the town in support 
of the Jam as soon as they should hear the sound of firing. 
Unfortunately for the Jam, the night chosen proved to 
be dark and stormy, and when those inside the town 
opened fire on Meraman' s house, the Arabs were unable 
to come to their assistance, since a river separating them 
from Nawanagar came down in flood and they were unable 
to cross it. Jam Jasaji under these circiunstances was 
not sufficiently strong to carry out his design, and was 
captured and again imprisoned — ^this time in the Khawas' 
own house. Here he was kept in strict confinement for 
two months, during which time Meraman did not even 
allow him to change his dress. Finally Raghunathji, 




considering the Khawas had gone too far, advised him 
to release the Jam. Meraman abused the messenger 
and, losing his temper, was never afterwards on terms of 
friendship with Dewan Amarji's son. But he saw the 
force of the advice and released his captive, keeping him, 
however, very strictly watched. 

Later in the same year (a.d. 1797) Fateh Mahomed 
again crossed the Rann with an army from Kachh. But 
this time Meraman was ready for him, and had augmented 
his army with a large body of mercenary troops of the 
army of Malhar Rao Gaekwad. In addition he obtained 
aid from Nawab Hamed Khan of Junagadh at the cost 
of a large sum of money, while he was successful in inducing 
Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa and Sheikh Murtaza of 
Mangrol to bring contingents to his support. The army 
thus formed awaited the Kachh troops at Dhensara, near 
the Rann, in Morvi territory, and when Fateh Mahomed 
arrived and saw the host arrayed against him, he thought 
better of attacking it. He agreed to submit all disputes 
to the arbitration of four men, Raghunathji, Karsanji 
Jhala, Kalian Hirji, and Shah Shavji, acting respectively 
for Nawanagar, Dhrangadhra, Junagadh, and Kachh, and 
retired with his army to the North of the Rann. 

In the following year, however, Rao Rayadhanji again 
returned to the attack, and with Fateh Mahomed and 
a huge army reached Nawanagar unmolested, where he 
camped near the Naganath Mahadeva temple. Meraman 
now barricaded the gates of Nawanagar with bricks, but 
Fateh Mahomed learning from some of the defenders that 
one of the walls of the fort was not strongly defended, 
attacked at the place indicated instead of at the gate 
where he was expected, counting on help from his friends 
within the town. But before the Kachh troops had 
mounted the scaling ladders, Meraman Khawas, inspecting 
his batteries at dawn, discovered the plan. The assault 
was delivered with desperate valour, but Fateh Mahomed 


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11 ' 

[i,' t:. 



was unable to gain access to the town, and the Kachh 
army was eventually forced to retire on Khambhalia, 
which place was also unsuccessfully besieged. 

Meraman now decided to attack Bhanwad fort, near 
Ghumli, which was held by Rajput sympathisers of Jam 
Jasaji, who had been overrunning the country round in 
the Barda Hills. Amin Saheb was at this time, in a.d. 
1799, sent from Baroda to levy tribute, and happened to 
be at Wankaner. Meraman sent word to him agreeing 
to pay the tribute demanded, which was three times the 
amount usually levied. The danger of attack by the 
Marathas now being averted, Ranchhodji (the second son 
of Dewan Amarji) was sent against Bhanwad. But after 
a desultory siege lasting for over four months the Nawa- 
nagar army proved unable to capture the place. Mean- 
while Fateh Mahomed again brought an army across the 
Rann and attacked Nawanagar, and Meraman sent Raghu- 
nathji to Shivram Kamedan, who was collecting the 
Maratha tribute near Viramgam, asking his aid. Shivram 
consented to assist him and marched towards Nawanagar. 
But Meraman now repented having called upon him, 
fearing he would be persuaded to take up the cause of 
Jam Jasaji against himself. Accordingly he arranged an 
interview with Fateh Mahomed at Dhumao, and there 
concluded peace with him. He now wrote to Shivram 
and informed him he need not trouble to advance further, 
as the matter in dispute for which his aid had been sought 
was now settled. 

Raghunathji had now to pacify Shivram, since he had 
made all arrangements with him, and Shivram felt he was 
being trifled with. He therefore levied money from the 
district in which the Maratha army was encamped suffi- 
cient to pay the expenses of the march across the penin- 
sula, after receiving which Shivram returned to Gujarat. 
But Meraman was displeased with Raghunathji on this 
account, and the latter prudently went to Dhrol, instead 





of to Nawanagar, where he began an intrigue with Jam 

In the previous year Meraman Khawas had begun to 
make preparations for the future, fearing he would some 
day be ousted from his strong position. He therefore 
obtained from Jam Jasaji written deeds assigning him 
Jodia, Amran, and Balambha as hereditary possessions, 
having obtained which he felt his position to be secure. 
But in A.D. 1800 Meraman Khawas died, and by his death 
there passed away one of the most successful adventurers 
who ever attained power in Western India. Filled with 
a great ambition, he was totally unscrupulous, and had he 
not died naturally, there is little doubt that he would 
very shortly have been assassinated. After his death his 
sons were considered to be unable to succeed to his posses- 
sions, since their mother was a Mahomedan ; but Sangram 
and Pragji, the sons of his brother Bhawan Khawas (who 
had died in a.d. 1797), were permitted by Jam Jasaji to 
succeed to the possession of Jodia, Amran, and Balambha, 
where they retired and became separate tribute-paying 

After the death of Amarji, disorder again reigned in 
Junagadh. The news of the murder was not long in 
reaching the ears of Rupoji Sindhia, a personal friend of 
the late Dewan, and a cousin of Madhaji Sindhia, who 
was in Saurashtra at the time at the head of a Maratha 
army. Amarji's relations begged Rupoji to march on 
Junagadh, and in answer to the appeal he advanced with 
his army as far as Dhandhusar, a village about eight miles 
from Junagadh, from where he sent a messenger to the 
Nawab advising him to release all the relations of the 
murdered Dewan whom he had placed in confinement. 
The Nawab was obliged to yield, but after he had done 
so the Maratha army remained encamped at Dhandhusar 
while Rupoji demanded some satisfactory arrangement 
for the maintenance of the released prisoners. As a result 


F' t 


^ f 

certain villages were handed over to them, and Raghu- 
nathji, Amarji's eldest son, was appointed Dewan of 
Junagadh. The Maratha forces now retired, but the 
Arab soldiery, who had all along been faithful to Amarji, 
confined the Nawab in tents near the Wanthali gate in 
Junagadh, and refused to release him until their arrears 
of pay should be satisfied. The Nawab, however, suc- 
ceeded by a trick in escaping. Having sent for a covered 
chair, he spread the report that his mother, whom he 
had not seen for several months, was coming to visit him. 
The chair was brought inside a tent, while the Arabs 
remained on guard outside. The Nawab now made the 
chair-carriers carry him out concealed beneath the curtain, 
while a servant, Rahmat Khan, took the Nawab' s place 
on a bed in the tent and so deceived the guards. As soon 
as he found himself free, the Nawab made a furious attack 
on the disaffected portion of his army with those troops 
who remained loyal to him. Finally a compromise was 
effected, and the Arabs returned to duty when half their 
demands had been paid them. 

Raghunathji's position as Dewan quickly became very 
difficult, and intrigues were soon made with the object 
of obliging him to resign. His relations, seeing how 
matters stood, went to live at Jetpur, while the Dewan 
stayed at Verawal. The Nawab, however, succeeded by 
bribes and promises in inducing the garrison to expel him 
from this place, and he, too, now went to Jetpur. Finally, 
in A.D. 1785 the Nawab decided to take back all the villages 
he had handed over under pressure from the Marathas the 
year before, and Sutrapada, the most important of these 
villages, was now resumed. The remaining villages soon 
shared the same fate; but Jade j a Kumbhoji of Gondal, 
seeing how matters stood and fearing the Marathas rather 
than the Nawab, made friends with the family of Amarji 
and gave them every assistance. 

Finding the strong hand of Amarji removed, the 



principal officers of the Arab and Sindhi troops in the 
Nawab's employ now endeavoured to become independent. 
The Nawab, however, managed to expel them from Jiuia- 
gadh, when they immediately went to Wanthali, where 
they were able to defend themselves in strength. All 
efforts of the Nawab to dislodge them failed, and he then 
endeavoured to obtain help from Rana Sultanji, but 
without avail. Seeing now something of his folly in 
murdering his Minister and driving out his family, he 
made overtures to Amarji's brother Dullabhji and his son 
Raghunathji to return to his service, which they consented 
to do, and shortly afterwards the rebellious Arabs and 
Sindhis returned to their allegiance. 

In A.D. 1787 the Jagirdar of Chorwad, Sanghji Raizadah, 
was killed in a battle with Aliya Hathi of Malia. Rana 
Sultanji, who had transferred his headquarters perma- 
nently to Porbandar from Chhaya in a.d. 1785, now 
claimed relationship with the dead chief, and gained 
possession of Chorwad on agreeing to pay the demands 
of the troops who had fought against Malia. Seeing 
Verawal now practically undefended, the Rana in a.d. 
1788 made a night-march from Chorwad and surprised 
and captured the fort. He now made the mistake of 
quarrelling with the Sheikh of Mangrol, and when the 
Nawab, accompanied by Dullabhji and Raghunathji, 
marched to recapture Chorwad, the Sheikh was also 
against him. The Rana's forces under Ibrahim Khan 
made a gallant stand, but they were not sufficiently strong 
to withstand the attack for long, and were finally obUged 
to surrender after Ibrahim Khan had been killed. 

The Nawab now marched on Verawal, which he found 
strongly fortified to resist him. A counter-attack by the 
garrison was repulsed, but the besieging force were imable 
to make any headway. Eventually two men, Ali Khan 
Ataji and Hansoji, turned traitor within the fort, and on 
a dark night admitted the Nawab's army through a 




■I: i 

h i' 

1 ! 


i ) 

fi-V . ^ 


postern gate. The garrison did not discover what was 
happening until three hundred men had entered the fort. 
But in spite of the disadvantageous position in which 
they found themselves they made a brave resistance, and 
only fled when a cousin of the Rana Sultanji had been 
slain. After the recapture of Verawal the army of the 
Nawab marched against Porbandar, and compelled the 
Rana to surrender and to pay a large fine. 

Meanwhile Ranchodji, to whom Sutrapada had been 
restored, quarrelled with the Nawab, and for six months 
retired from his service, until finally he was solicited 
earnestly to return, which he did. Jade j a Kumbhoji of 
Gondal contrived to profit by the misunderstanding, and 
before it was removed he succeeded in obtaining from the 
Nawab a document granting him the villages of Jetalsar, 
Meli, Majethi, Lath, and Bhimora in perpetuity. In 
exchange for these he wrote off the debt which the Nawab 
had borrowed from him in a.d. 1774, and which he saw 
no hope of being paid back to him. 

The town of Bantwa was now attacked by Daghoji 
Raizadah, the Zamindar of Kesoj (Keshod), and Edal Khan 
Babi with Mukhtiar Khan Babi sought aid from their 
kinsman the Nawab in repelling the invader. DuUabhji 
and Ranchodji (brother and son of Amarji) were sent in 
command of troops to their aid, and a battle was fought 
at Agatrai village, where Mukhtiar Khan was wounded. 
Subsequently another fight took place at Mawana, where 
the forces of Daghoji were defeated, and he was compelled 
to retire from Bantwa, to pay a fine, and to deliver up all 
the property he had taken. He then returned to his 
headquarters, but a few months later was in such straits 
for want of money to pay his troops that he was very glad 
to sell Kesoj to Junagadh. 

In A.D. 1790 the Arabs again mutinied in Junagadh, 
and demanded arrears of pay to be given them. The 
Nawab was unable to comply with their request, and so 



f ' 


,1 1 



was seized by them and imprisoned in the Rang Mahal 
palace, where they refused him even food and water. 
The Nawab, however, managed to win over several of 
his guards and soon contrived to escape. Collecting what 
forces he could raise, he now expelled the mutineers with, 
ignominy, and sent another force to cope with the Arabs 
at Chorwad, who had followed the example of their friends 
in Junagadh. The Chorwad Arabs held out for some 
time and ravaged the country round, but they were 
finally defeated and surrendered the fort. The next year 
Saurashtra was visited by a disastrous famine, and to 
make matters worse the Maratha army levying tribute 
ravaged the country as far as Verawal. Hamed Sindhi, 
the commander, was consequently able to collect very 
little money, and was returning to Gujarat discontented 
in A.D. 1792 when the Nawab's forces fell upon him about 
eight miles from Junagadh and hastened the departure 
of his troops. Hamed Sindhi himself was killed in the 

Nawab Hamed Khan now began again to fear the 
family of Amarji, and forgetting all they had done for 
him and his State, determined to rid himself of them for 
good. Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal again incited him, 
and there were not lacking in Junagadh itself others who 
stood to benefit by the departure of the Nawab's powerful 
advisers, and were ready to welcome their downfall. And so 
it happened that in a.d. 1793 Raghunathji was imprisoned, 
without any reason, with his brother Morarji, and other 
adherents, and their houses and property were all confis- 
cated. Meanwhile Ranchodji seized Kodinar and openly 
rebelled against this treatment, and shortly afterwards 
Raghunathji and Morarji were released, though their 
principal adherents were executed. Ranchodji was now 
approached by Meraman Khawas, and as a result he 
entered Nawanagar service and was given the villages of 
Pardhari and Atkot. Morarji went to Bhavnagar, where 

161 L 



i Si 


Wakhatsinhji Gohel gave him four villages for his main- 
tenance. Mangalji, son of Govindji (who had died in 
A.D. 1790), sought service under Rana Sultanji, whence 
he afterwards went to Nawanagar in command of a 
regiment of cavalry. 

The Nawab now exacted a large fine from the Nagar 
Brahmans of Junagadh, and a Bania named Kalian Sheth 
with Madhavrai Khushalrai, a Nagar of Gujarat, were 
appointed joint Dewans. But these two soon quarrelled, 
and Madhavrai, after escaping from Junagadh by digging 
a passage under the Western wall of the town, seized 

The Nawab proceeded to Wanthali, and called upon 
Raghunathji to help him to recover the fort. Raghu- 
nathji, who was in Nawanagar at the time, sent Ranchodji 
to represent him, and on his arrival Madhavrai surren- 
dered. Ranchodji returned to Nawanagar, while Madha- 
vrai went to Gondal and thence to Baroda, where Mahadji 
Sindhia procured him an appointment as Vakil at the 
Moghal Court at Delhi. Amin Saheb, the son of Hamed 
Sindhi, who had been killed near Junagadh in a.d. 1792, 
now asked permission to take a Maratha army against 
the Nawab, and to revenge his father's death. This 
permission was given, and in a.d. 1798 the Maratha army 
advanced against Majewadi, seven miles from Junagadh, 
and captured the fort. Amin Saheb now demanded 
tribute from Junagadh to the extent of three times the 
usual amount, and until this was paid he refused to 

The result of paying out this large amount of money 
was that Kalian Sheth, Dewan of Junagadh, had nothing 
left at his disposal for paying his troops. He therefore 
decided to capture Dhandhalpur from the Kathi Godad 
Khawad, and in this way raise the necessary money. 
But the Kathis withstood him manfully, and after a siege 
lasting two months he was forced to retire to Junagadh, 



The troops had by now become more dissatisfied than 
ever, and clamoured loudly for their pay. Kalian Sheth 
therefore ravaged the district round Kutiana and Por- 
bandar, hoping thus to pay his men. He was now joined 
by Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa, who had been dis- 
graced by Amarji, and went with him into open rebellion 
against Junagadh, apparently with the intention of 
forming for himself an independent rule. The Nawab 
was now in great straits, and sent messengers to Nawanagar 
asking Raghunathji to forgive past injuries and to come 
to his assistance. Raghunathji loyally accepted the 
invitation and took up a position at Wanthali, at the 
same time calling on his brother Ranchodji at Porbandar 
for aid. Ranchodji while on his way to Wanthali was 
met at Ranawao by Mukhtiar Khan, who asked forgiveness 
and safe conduct to Bantwa. Both his requests were 
granted, and Kalian Sheth was left alone to work out his 
schemes. He retired to Kutiana and was at once besieged 
by Ranchodji. 

For a whole month the fort held out, the guns of the 
Junagadh army making little impression on the strong 
walls surrounding the town. Resort was now had to 
mining, but this also proved unsuccessful. Finally one 
of the gates was set on fire, and this, followed up by a 
determined attack by the besiegers, caused Kalian Sheth's 
position to become untenable, and he was obliged to 
surrender in a.d. 1802. Shortly afterwards he died in 
prison at Diu, and with the surrender of Chorwad and 
Una, which had declared for the Dewan and had been 
held by his son, the rebellion was quashed. After the 
capture of Kutiana, Raghunathji set out on an expedition 
into Jhalawad to collect tribute, accompanied by Jade j a 
Dewaji of Gondal, and Ranchodji joined him after the 
surrender of Una and Chorwad. While the Junagadh 
forces were halted at Limbdi, Raghunathji was approached 
by the Gaekwad of Baroda for aid in the siege of Kadi, 





♦■■ i 
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which he was undertaking against Shivram Kamedan, 
Malhar Rao, and his brother, Hanmat Rao. Simulta- 
neously the latter also asked for his help, but declining 
to give assistance to either side, Raghunathji marched his 
forces back to Junagadh. 

Kadi fell, and two years afterwards Malhar Rao fled 
to Kathiawad, and collecting an army from among all 
the desperate characters of the peninsula, he set up his 
standard against all. An army from Baroda was sent 
to apprehend him, and he was eventually captured near 
Bhavnagar and surrendered to the English. In a.d. 1803 
Ranchodji again went into Jhalawad, where he levied 
double the tribute usually levied by Jimagadh. At 
Dhrangadhra he met with opposition of a feeble nature 
from Shivram Kamedan and Hanmant Rao, who had been 
released after the capture of Kadi. Kukand Rao now 
rebelled against the Gaekwad at Amreli, where he seized 
the fort. He captured the Nagar Desais of Wasawad, 
and imprisoned them imtil they should pay ransom. In 
their plight they appealed to the Nawab of Junagadh, and 
Ranchodji, taking an army against Amreli, captured it 
after a week's siege and drove out Mukand Rao. 

In the following year Babaji Apaji, Dewan of Baroda, 
entered Saurashtra with a large army, and levied three 
times the amount of tribute usually exacted. Being 
opposed by Nawab Hamed Khan, he besieged Wanthali, 
but not being able to take the place after two months' 
fighting, he withdrew along the coast towards Baroda. 
Ranchodji now hung on his flanks and rear, and harassed 
the Marathas without giving them any opportunity for 
fighting a pitched battle. Finally, as the price of desist- 
ance from this guerilla warfare, Babaji Apaji was glad 
to restore all the written bonds and deeds he had extracted 
from the villages and to take only the ordinary amount of 
tribute. Until the arrival of Colonel Walker with the 
Gaekwad's army in a.d. 1807 to conclude a settlement 




regarding the tribute to be paid, the happenings in Kathia- 
wad were of minor importance. In a.d. 1804 Rana 
Sultanji of Porbandar was deposed by his son Haloji, 
and in the following year Ranchodji levied tribute from 
Rajkot on behalf of the Nawab of Junagadh, who had 
in the same year mortgaged Kutiana to Raghunathji and 
thus declared his friendship with the family which had 
done so much for him. Colonel Walker's arrival opened 
up a new epoch in the annals of Saurashtra, and the year 
A.D. 1807 was the beginning of an era of peace such as 
the peninsula had not experienced since Mahmud of 
Ghazni made his incursion to obtain possession of the 
treasure of Somnath temple nearly eight hundred years 

I W 





(a.d. 1772-1807) 

When Wakhatsinhji Gohel succeeded his father as ruler 
of Bhavnagar in a.d. 1772, he found himself to be the 
owner of a very desirable property. The first years of 
his rule were spent in improving the administration, and 
it was not until he had been on the gadi for eight years 
that he began to enlarge his dominions. In a.d. 1771 
Akherajji had refused to accept Talaja when that place 
was offered to him by the English, as he did not wish to 
extend his boundaries. But in a.d. 1780 Wakhatsinhji 
again got the opportunity of adding it to Bhavnagar, for 
the Nawab of Cambay, being unable to keep order and 
finding the administration of the stronghold somewhat 
of a burden, offered to sell it. Wakhatsinhji had not the 
objections which his predecessor had had to including it 
within his borders, and accepted the Nawab of Cambay's 
offer after having ascertained from the British Govern- 
ment that they had no objections to make to the trans- 
action. The Governor of Talaja, Nur-ud-din, refused, 
however, to deliver up the place, and Wakhatsinhji was 
obliged to take an army against him and drive him out, 
which he did after some fighting. 

Scarcely was this affair over, when the Gohel chief of 
Lathi besought Wakhatsinhji to come to his assistance in 
driving out the Kathis who had laid waste his territories. 
Wakhatsinhji led his army against the marauders, defeated 
them, and compelled them to acknowledge his supremacy. 
Trouble now centred round Talaja. Hamir Khasia, the 


'i t; 


Zamindar of Waghnagar, having seized Jhanjhmer and 
made that place his headquarters, conducted a number 
of raids on villages subject to Talaja, and created much 
misery. Wala Khimoji, Wakhatsinhji's newly appointed 
governor at Talaja, found himself unable to cope with 
the raiders, and asked Wakhatsinhji to punish them. 
An army from Bhavnagar thereupon marched on Jhanjh- 
mer and captured it, but Hamir Khasia managed to escape 
and fled to Gopnath, where he took refuge with a friend. 
He was eventually surrendered after receiving a promise 
that his life would be spared on condition that he desisted 
from attacking Bhavnagar territory, and Wakhatsinhji 
sent him back to Waghnagar. He now quarrelled with 
his uncle, Jasa Khasia of Mahuva, and attacked him, but 
without success. He therefore suggested to Wakhatsinhji 
that now was a good opportunity for adding Mahuva to 
his dominions, and the latter being desirous of punishing 
Jasa Khasia for a recent act of piracy committed against 
a Bhavnagar ship, fell in with the suggestion, and marched 
against Mahuva with a large force of fifteen thousand men. 
The town was reached in a.d. 1784, after much difficulty 
had been experienced in passing through coimtry covered 
with a forest of thorn-trees, through which a way had 
to be cut. 

A seven days' fight ensued, the attacking force being 
unable to make good a footing within the fort. But 
finally a portion of the wall was breached by artillery and 
the Bhavnagar army effected an entrance. Meanwhile 
Jasa Khasia had fled to Rajula, and after his departure 
his troops gave up hope and sirrrendered. At Rajula 
Jasa Khasia induced the Zamindar, Bhola Dhankhado, 
to endeavour to recover Mahuva for him, and Wakhat- 
sinhji found himself confronted with a new enemy. He 
marched on Rajula, while Bhola Dhankhado retired before 
him and finally surrendered. Rajula now came with 
Mahuva under Wakhatsinhji's rule, and garrisons were 




ii ' 

I I'll 


placed in both forts. He now marched against Danta 
Kotila of Dedan, to whom Jasa Khasia had fled for 
protection. But Danta Kotila refused help to Jasa 
Khasia, and instead acknowledged the supremacy of 
Bhavnagar, whereupon Wakhatsinhji did not pursue the 
fugitive further and returned to his capital. Danta Kotila 
was a Babria chief who was so called on account of his 
having been born with teeth already " cut." 

Jasa Khasia made his way to the Gir Forest, and there 
indulged in making raids against villages around Mahuva, 
and in waylaying and looting travellers. His nephew, 
Hamir Khasia, helped him and gave him shelter when 
necessary, and hearing of this Wakhatsinhji ordered the 
Governor of Mahuva to take his troops and capture 
Waghnagar. The town fell before the onslaught, and 
Hamir Khasia fled to the Gir, where he joined his imcle 
and became with him an outlaw. The energy with which 
Wakhatsinhji had conducted his campaign against the 
pirates infesting his coasts had not been without result, 
and the seas had become tolerably safe for shipping. He 
now pointed out all this to the British Government, and 
asked in return for aid should the Nawab of Junagadh 
attack him out of jealousy for his success. In reply he 
received from the British their warm appreciation of all 
he had been able to accomplish. 

Affairs at Kundla now engaged the attention of 
Wakhatsinhji. The district was in the possession of a 
Kathi named Ala Khuman, whose six sons — ^Bhoja, Mulu, 
Hada, Luna, Sura, and Vira Khuman — quarrelled regard- 
ing the partition of the property when he died in a.d. 1784. 
Bhoja Khuman felt he in particular had suffered by the 
division, and so he approached Wakhatsinhji and made 
over to him his share of the property with certain reserva- 
tions. He then returned to Kundla, only to find all his 
brothers ready to kill him for his action in the matter. 
Bhoja Khuman appealed to Bhavnagar for help, and 



Wakhatsinhji despatched a force to garrison the town and 
protect his interests. But the remaining five brothers 
resisted and drove back the troops. At this stage two 
other of the brothers went to Junagadh, where they asked 
aid against Mulu Khuman, offering the same inducement 
to Nawab Hamed Khan that Bhoja Khuman had made 
to Wakhatsinhji Gohel. The Nawab now also sent a 
force to Krnidla, which was repulsed as before by Mulu 

The Nawab had now no opportunity to retmn to the 
attack, since Jmiagadh was in a state of turmoil following 
the death of Dewan Amarji ; so in a.d. 1790 Wakhatsinhji 
thought the time propitious for taking a large army to 
Kundla and establishing himself there. All excepting 
Bhoja Wala now united to oppose him, and after two 
days' furious fighting the Kathis made a counter attack 
by night. Wakhatsinhji, however, had heard of their 
intention, and repulsed them, at the same time sending a 
force round the flank to intercept their return to the 
town. The result of this manoeuvre was that the Kathis 
fled in all directions and Wakhatsinhji entered Kundla. 

Shortly afterwards the Kathis reassembled at Mitiala, 
where they were joined by a small force sent to their aid 
by the Nawab of Jmiagadh. But the united armies were 
not sufficiently strong to recapture Kundla, and Wakhat- 
sinhji, perceiving their hesitation, took the initiative 
against them, and marching on Mitiala, repeated the 
success he had obtained at Kundla. Bhavnagar troops 
now occupied both places, and Wakhatsinhji next marched 
against the Kathis of Lilia and Gundaran, who were aided 
by a small force from Junagadh imder one Mahomed 
Tora, which had been sent to assist them at their request. 
These places shared the same fate as Kundla and Mitiala, 
and Wakhatsinhji's power became paramount throughout 
the district. The Khuman Kathis, despairing of getting 
any effectual aid from Junagadh on accoimt of the disorder 







reigning there, now appealed to Vira Wala, a Kathi of 
Jetpur. The Wala Kathis were quite ready to help their 
brethren Khumans, and Kumpa Wala of Chital, an 
important Kathi stronghold, undertook to amass a strong 
army. He called for aid from the Khachar Kathis, and 
Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan brought a large force to Chital. 
In a short time the whole of the Kathi fighting men had 
formed themselves into a formidable array under Kumpa 
Wala, and assembled at Chital ready to make a move on 
Bhavnagar. But they waited too long. In a.d. 1793 
Wakhatsinhji, hearing of the forces being collected to 
attack him, decided to attack first. He therefore assembled 
as large an army as he could collect, and calling upon the 
Gohels of Wala and Lathi to join him, marched against 
Chital and invested the Kathi army within the fort. 

Wakhatsinhji took up a strong position outside the 
town and proceeded to batter the walls with his artillery. 
This mode of warfare was little suited to the Kathis, who 
chafed at their inaction and much preferred raiding to 
fighting a pitched battle. Gradually the Kathi leaders 
gave up fighting and retired with their followers from the 
fort. Wakhatsinhji waited until the number of the 
defenders had greatly diminished, and then he launched 
his whole army in a vigorous attack upon them. The 
walls were breached and after some hard fighting those 
Kathis who had not fled, or been killed, sm-rendered, and 
Chital came into Wakhatsinhji's hands. Kumpa Wala 
fled to Jetpur, while his brother, Bhaya Wala, was taken 
prisoner. Wajsur Khachar returned to Jasdan in safety, 
but Wakhatsinhji hotly pursued the flying Kathis as far 
as Kunkavao, and inflicted great loss upon them. Here 
he released Bhaya Wala, and then returned to Chital, 
where he placed a garrison. He now attacked and cap- 
tured Saldi and then immediately marched on Gadhra 
and Botad, which places he subdued without difficulty. 
The Kathis of Babra were also defeated and the town 



wall demolished, but as the place was mortgaged to the 
Gaekwad of Baroda, Wakhatsinhji refrained from placing 
a garrison there and turned his steps towards Jasdan. 

At Jasdan Wajsur Khachar had prepared to resist. 
But Wakhatsinhji's artillery proved too strong for him, 
and after withstanding a siege of but a few days he fled 
to Bhoira, whither Wakhatsinhji pursued him. But he 
escaped, and after leaving garrisons in all the important 
places he had recently captured from the Kathis, Wakhat- 
sinhji returned to Bhavnagar. 

Jasa Khasia died in a.d. 1793, and Hamir Kliasia, 
seeing the complete defeat of the Kathis, became anxious 
to make peace with Bhavnagar. Wakhatsinhji, realizing 
that it is sometimes advisable to conciliate a foe rather 
than to exasperate him, and having sufficient enemies 
already against him, accepted Hamir Khasia's overtures. 
On receiving a promise never to rebel, nor to harbour 
enemies of Bhavnagar, he handed over to him ten villages 
under Sedarda and gave twelve under Monpur to his 
nephew, Khima Khasia. 

As soon as the principal Kathi strongholds had been 
reduced, Wakhatsinhji found himself opposed by his 
kinsman Unadji Gohel of Palitana, whose one ambition 
was to obtain possession of Sihor, considering that his 
ancestor Kandhoji of Gariadhar had been wrongly dis- 
possessed of the fortress by Visoji Gohel two hundred 
years before. He was also jealous of Wakhatsinhji's 
success, and calling upon the Khuman Kathis, who had 
fled for refuge to the Gir Forest, he promised them revenge 
on Wakhatsinhji for their wrongs if they joined with him 
in his enterprise. He easily and quickly collected a 
substantial force of fighting men, and meditated a march 
on Tana as a preliminary to attacking Sihor. The Bhav- 
nagar army had in the meanwhile been paid off and 
disbanded, and Wakhatsinhji found some difficulty in 
raising a sufficient number of men to resist the threatened 




i \ 

Vi ! 

t i 

1 i 


invasion. But he decided to occupy Sihor for the present, 
and marched there with such forces as he could collect 
in a short time, reaching the fort before Tana had been 

Unadji Gohel had meanwhile set out from Palitana, 
but his son Kandhoji, imagining he had discovered some 
ill omen, called him back, and the army marched without 
him. When Wakhatsinhji heard of the advance, he 
decided to attack despite his inferiority in numbers, his 
army being commanded by Raimalji Gohel. When the 
two armies met the fight began, and almost at once one 
of the leading Kathis was killed. The remaining Kathis 
dismounted to recover his body, seeing which Raimalji 
led a charge of his whole army. The Kathis, in confusion, 
were soon driven off the field, while the disheartened and 
leaderless troops of Palitana broke and fled, hotly pursued 
by Raimalji's cavalry. 

The defeated Kathis fled to the Gir Forest and Wakhat- 
sinhji returned to Bhavnagar after leaving troops to 
defend Tana, Budhna, and Madhra in case of a fresh 
attack. The Kathis were not yet beaten, however, and 
Hada Khuman, their leader, pursued guerilla warfare 
against Bhavnagar with vigour. He plundered Langala, 
in the Unurala district, but Wakhatsinhji coming up 
quickly with his accustomed dash overtook him at 
Goghasamdi and inflicted severe pimishment on the 
Kathi forces. They fled in confusion into the forest, and 
Wakhatsinhji returned to Sihor. The Kathis next attacked 
the Wanani Girasias at the instigation of Unadji Gohel, 
and they called on Wakhatsinhji for protection. He 
defeated the invaders and drove them away, and at the 
end of A.D. 1794 scarcely a Kathi remained in his territory. 

The Maratha army imder Shivram Kamedan camped 
at Moti Dharai in a.d. 1795 while engaged on one of their 
annual expeditions, with the intention of attacking Sihor. 
Wakhatsinhji sent him word that he would be unable to 




pay any tribute as his country was waste and barren, and 
had suffered much from the wars of the past few years. 
Shivram considered this message to be most insolent, and 
sent back word that unless the tribute were paid at once, 
together with arrears of the past ten years, he would 
proceed to conquer the country and would occupy Bhav- 
nagar town with a permanent garrison. Wakhatsinhji, 
however, felt himself to be sufficiently strong to resist 
the Marathas with a reasonable chance of success, and his 
reply to Shivram was to march against him with his large 
and well-equipped army. The two forces met at Loliana, 
where a fight took place which lasted for three days 
without decided advantage to either side. But a drawn 
battle was in effect a victory for Wakhatsinhji, for the 
Maratha general, realizing that in the event of defeat he 
would meet with resistance from all the remaining chiefs 
of the peninsula and would be refused payment of all 
tribute, decided to retire. The Bhavnagar troops were 
too exhausted and had lost too heavily to follow up their 
advantage, and the crippled Maratha army made its way 
to Hathasni, and thence, after partially recouping, con- 
tinued on its collecting expedition. Bhavnagar, however, 
paid no tribute this year. 

While Wakhatsinhji's attention had been entirely 
taken up by the Marathas, Unadji Gohel of Palitana and 
Hada Khuman thought the time had come for making 
an attack on Sihor. But they were beaten back with loss 
by Pathabhai, who was in command of the fort during 
Wakhatsinhji's absence. Meanwhile the battle of Loliana 
was fought, and Unadji went to Shivram's camp and 
endeavoured to persuade that general to continue fighting 
and to attack Sihor. But he was imsuccessful, for the 
Maratha considered that he would have little chance of 
success against the fort, having been virtually beaten in 
a pitched battle, and the fort having held out against 
Unadji in spite of the weakness of its garrison. Unadji 






therefore returned to Palitana, only just in time to arrive 
there before Wakhatsinhji with his army arrived to invest 
the fort. The attack was conducted with vigour, and 
Palitana was seriously damaged by Wakhatsinhji's artil- 
lery ; but he failed to obtain an entrance and marched 
away to ravage the surrounding country. Gariadhar was 
plundered, and the army afterwards returned to Bhav- 

But Wakhatsinhji was allowed little time for reflection 
or peace, and the following year (a.d. 1796) found him 
still fighting strenuously, this time with Nawab Hamed 
Khan of Junagadh and his former Kathi foes. Mamaya 
Dhankhado, brother of Bhola Dhankhado of Rajula, who 
had been defeated by Wakhatsinhji in a.d. 1784, became 
dissatisfied with his condition of complete subjection to 
Bhavnagar and besought help from the Nawab, offering 
bv wav of inducement to make over to him a share in 
the town after the Bhavnagar troops should be driven 
out. Hamed Khan had long regarded Wakhatsinhji as 
a powerful rival, but had not yet been able to try conclu- 
sions in war on a big scale with him on account of the 
disorders in and about Junagadh, which prevented him 
from paying much attention to matters which did not 
directly concern him. He now saw his way to send a 
small force to Rajula, and when this was repulsed he 
augmented it with a further two thousand men, and by 
dint of numbers succeeded in driving out the defenders 
and occupying the fort. On hearing of the fall of Rajula, 
Wakhatsinhji immediately despatched a considerable force 
to recapture it, ordering troops from Mahuva to co-operate 
in the attack. As a result, before reinforcements could 
arrive from Junagadh, the Nawab's forces were driven out 
and Rajula was again occupied by Wakhatsinhji's men. 

Hamed Khan now became seriously agitated, and 
determined at all costs to defeat Wakhatsinhji and regain 
his prestige. He therefore collected as large an army 


i ■ 


Jamadar Taleb with his Arab " Barrack." 

Lungho Sumar and Lungho Nathoo, 
and the State Standard-bearers. 

Govalia Kathi Cavalry. 

A Combat before Chital. 

Sarvaiya Mepabhai and Raol Pathabhai 
in full panoply with Cheetah Chariot. 


! ■/. 

1 ''• 




therefore returned to Palitana, only just in time to arrive 
there before Wakhatsinhji with his army arrived to invest 
the fort. The attack was conducted with vigour, and 
Pahtana was seriously damaged by Wakhatsinhji's artil- 
lery ; but he failed to obtain an entrance and marched 
away to ravage the surrounding country. Gariadhar was 
plundered, and the army afterwards returned to Bhav- 

But Wakhatsinhji was allowed little time for reflection 
or peace, and the following year (a.d. 1796) found him 
still fighting strenuously, this time with Nawab Hamed 
Khan of Junagadh and his former Kathi foes. Mamaya 
Dhankhado, brother of Bhola Dhankhado of Rajula, who 
had been defeated by Wakhatsinhji in a.d. 1784, became 
dissatisfied with his condition of complete subjection to 
Bhavnagar and besought help from the Nawab, offering 
by way of inducement to make over to him a share in 
the town after the Bhavnagar troops should be driven 
out. Hamed Khan had long regarded Wakhatsinhji as 
a powerful rival, but had not yet been able to try conclu- 
sions in war on a big scale with him on account of the 
disorders in and about Junagadh, which prevented him 
from paying much attention to matters which did not 
directly concern him. He now saw his way to send a 
small force to Rajula, and when this was repulsed he 
augmented it with a further two thousand men, and by 
dint of numbers succeeded in driving out the defenders 
and occupying the fort. On hearing of the fall of Rajula, 
Wakhatsinhji immediately despatched a considerable force 
to recapture it, ordering troops from Mahuva to co-operate 
in the attack. As a result, before reinforcements could 
arrive from Junagadh, the Nawab's forces were driven out 
and Rajula was again occupied by Wakhatsinhji's men. 

Hamed Khan now became seriously agitated, and 
determined at all costs to defeat Wakhatsinhji and regain 
his prestige. He therefore collected as large an army 



Jamadar Taleb with his Arab " Barrack." 

Lungho Sumar and Lungho Nathoo. 
and the State Standard-bearers. 

Govalia Kathi Cavalry. 

A Combat before Chital. 

Sarvaiya Mepabhai and Raol Pathabhai 
in full panoply with Cheetah Chariot. 






' t f ■ '': 

il > 




























■ t 








as he could muster and marched on Kundla, which he 
took after a short fight, and then on Rajula. On the way 
he was joined by great numbers of Kathis, who now saw 
an opportunity for avenging the many defeats they had 
suffered three years before. The small Bhavnagar force 
in Rajula was unable to withstand the terrific onslaught 
made upon it, and when its leaders had been killed, and a 
successful defence became hopeless, it surrendered. Having 
captured Rajula, the Nawab decided to attack Bhavnagar, 
to the great delight of the Kathis, who gave him little 
opportunity for changing his mind. Wakhatsinhji was 
imdismayed, and marched to meet his opponents with 
all the fighting men he could collect. The armies met at 
Waral, where an indecisive battle was fought, but the 
troops of the Nawab had been so severely handled that 
he was obliged to retire after the fight towards Lathi, and 
encamped at Jarakhia. After a short time spent in 
recouping, he again marched in the direction of Patna, 
Wakhatsinhji advancing from Dhasa to oppose him. A 
fiu'ious and indecisive battle again took place, and at the 
end of a day's fighting both Wakhatsinhji and the Nawab 
were glad to entertain a proposal of peace made by Jiaji 
Jethwa, a near relation of Wakhatsinhji's brother-in-law, 
Rana Sultan ji of Porbandar. The terms finally agreed 
upon were that Wakhatsinhji should pay tribute to the 
Nawab, who was to resign all claims on Kundla, Rajula, 
and several other places of lesser importance. Peace 
being thus concluded, Wakhatsinhji returned to Bhav- 
nagar, while Nawab Khan marched to Dhandhalpur, 
accompanied by his Dewan, Kalian Sheth (who had 
strongly advised the Nawab to make peace), and attacked 
unsuccessfully the Kathi chief Godad Khawad. 

Wakhatsinhji now decided it would be to his advantage 
to make peace with the Kathis, fearing that they might 
induce the Nawab to attack him again in greater strength 
than before. He therefore offered to restore Chital to 


l*' i'. 



Kumpa Wala, and in a.d. 1797 the Kathi chief re-occupied 
the town on the understanding that he would not assist 
the Kathis of Kundla against Bhavnagar, and that he 
would not succour outlaws from the State. The result 
of this move soon became apparent. The Kundla Kathis 
under Hada Khuman seeing their cause against Bhavnagar 
to be hopeless, made complete surrender to Wakhatsinhji, 
from whom they received Babriadhar and ten other vil- 
lages. This further instance of generous treatment to 
his former foes by Wakhatsinhji induced Wajsur Khachar 
of Jasdan to ask for peace, while other Kathis quickly 
followed his example and secured the restoration of a 
part of the lands which had been taken from them. 

With the pacification of the Kathis, Wakhatsinhji 
became free to turn his attention to the internal develop- 
ment of the resources of his State, and to cultivate his 
friendship with the British Government, which had been 
so well begun for him by his father. In a.d. 1802 the 
British became paramount in Gujarat, and Wakhatsinhji 
was bound to come into close touch with them on accoiuit 
of the geographical position of his State, and its proximity 
to both Gujarat and Baroda. As a result of the Treaty 
of Bassein in a.d. 1802 between the British Government 
and the Peshwa of Poona, the British became entitled to 
collect the tribute due from Wakhatsinhji to the latter. 
The centre of British activity, so far as it related to 
Kathiawad, was at this time at Baroda, where a Resident 
had been placed, and Anand Rao Gaekwad was the 
recipient of British support and advice. Several of his 
enemies had been defeated with the aid of British troops 
in Gujarat and elsewhere, and in a.d. 1804 a powerful 
force under Babaji Apaji was sent into Saurashtra to 
restore the Maratha prestige, which had for some years 
been declining, and to enforce payment of tribute from 
all chiefs in the peninsula. Babaji Apaji advanced on 
Sihor, and on arrival at Ambla, ten miles distant from 


I ;.- 



the fort, he sent a demand to Wakhatsinhji for payment 
of the annual levy. Wakhatsinhji refused to comply 
with the request, and prepared to resist the Marathas at 
Sihor. Babaji Apaji now advanced, but was unable to 
compel the surrender of Wakhatsinhji in spite of the most 
determined assaults which were made. 

Finally the Marathas were obliged to retire, but in 
the following year they again marched against Wakhat- 
sinhji at Bhavnagar, determined this time to be successful 
at all costs. The Marathas entrenched themselves near 
the Gadhechi River, and for ten days maintained a con- 
tinuous artillery fire on the town. The assault was, 
however, beaten off, but the town had been severely 
battered, and Wakhatsinhji perceiving that in the end 
he must be beaten, agreed with a good grace to pay the 
tribute demanded, on receipt of which Babaji Apaji 
raised the siege and retired. 

Wakhatsinhji had now made peace with all his prin- 
cipal enemies, with the exception of Unadji Gohel of 
Palitana. In a.d. 1806 Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal came 
to Bhavnagar to mediate between the two Gohel chiefs, 
and he carried some weight since his son had married 
Wakhatsinhji's daughter. His efforts ended in success, 
for Wakhatsinhji and Unadji became reconciled at Lavarda, 
the latter making his kinsman a present of the village of 
Pingli, near Talaja, to commemorate the occasion. 

In the next year Colonel Walker, on behalf of the 
British Government, entered Kathiawad with the Maratha 
army, and with his advent a new era was opened, making 
the year a.d. 1807 for ever memorable in the history of 
the peninsula. 







(a.d. 1807-1808) 

The reasons leading to the entry of the British into 
Kathiawad were for the most part twofold : firstly those 
affecting the interests of the inhabitants of the peninsula ; 
and secondly those relating to the state of friendship 
existing between the British Government and the Gaekwad 
of Baroda. We have already seen that a Resident had 
been stationed at Baroda and that British troops had 
recently acted in conjunction with the Gaekwad's army 
in the task of pacifying Gujarat, and putting down rebellion 
elsewhere. Consequently it followed that when year by 
year the Marathas met with refusals to pay tribute, and 
even with active resistance while engaged in collecting 
their dues in Kathiawad, some means had to be devised 
whereby regular payments should be made and bloodshed 
avoided. In addition to this, a number of chiefs which 
included Jadeja Sataji, brother of Jam Jasaji of Nawa- 
nagar, the Jadeja chief of Morvi, and the Kathis of Chital, 
Jetpur and Kundla, had applied to the British for assist- 
ance against their more powerful oppressors. In conse- 
quence of these considerations, it was arranged and decided 
that Colonel Alexander Walker, Resident at Baroda, 
should accompany the Maratha army on its expedition 
under Babaji Apaji in a.d. 1807 with authority to fix the 
amounts of tribute to be paid by each State, and to decide 
where British aid should be extended to supplicant chiefs 
and to what extent. There were, indeed, further reasons 
for taking such action. In a.d. 1803 the Rana of Por- 



bandar had plundered property belonging to the Persian 
ambassador, for which no redress had been taken. It 
was necessary to take steps to prevent the possibility of 
such outrages in future. In addition to this, the Nawab 
of Junagadh had plimdered a quantity of wheat belonging 
to the British, and had robbed an inhabitant of Bombay 
of some valuable property, for which acts of aggression it 
had so far been impossible to exact compensation. 

When Colonel Walker entered the peninsula in a.d; 
1807 the country was in a state of chronic disorder and 
desolation, the result primarily of the annual Maratha 
expeditions. The villages of Jhalawad were few and 
those in a miserable state, while their inhabitants lived 
in a constant state of fear of aggression. The land was 
destitute of woods and trees to such an extent that fuel 
was practically unprocurable, while cultivation was scarcely 
undertaken. The population of the coimtry districts had 
almost entirely disappeared throughout the province, the 
people preferring to seek safety in walled towns. On 
the road between Kandorna and Rajkot alone, no less 
than thirty towns and villages had been laid waste and 
were nothing but deserted ruins. Such villages as were 
not deserted were mortgaged to creditors, the lives of the 
villagers and their families being regarded as security for 
the payment of revenue. The chiefs themselves were 
poor, and in most cases it was quite impossible for them 
to produce their dues when tribute was demanded of them 
by the Marathas. In short, everything was chaos and 
confusion, and great misery was the lot of all those who 
were unable to exact a livelihood from others less fortmiate 
even than themselves. Rapine and robbery were rampant 
throughout the country, and the hand of every man was 
against his neighbour. 

Babaji Apaji, after marching through Jhalawad, pro- 
ceeded with Colonel Walker to Morvi, where a condition 
of great disorder prevailed. After prolonged proceedings 


''. 1 

1 ) 



1 '« 




i ; 







i . -.■ 


owing to the violent nature of a quarrel then existing 
between Morvi and Malia, settlements were finally arrived 
at, and the representatives of the British and Gaekwad's 
Governments went on towards Nawanagar. Here the 
first opportunity presented itself of showing the chiefs of 
Kathiawad something of the methods which the British 
government intended to use in relation to them. It 
happened that when Jam Jasaji, on the death of Meraman 
Khawas in a.d. 1800, for the first time became the master 
of his State, he showed characteristics in comparison with 
which the methods of Meraman Khawas were far prefer- 
able. He began at once to oppress his people of every 
class, not even sparing his brother Sataji, and encroached 
upon his neighbours' territories whenever and wherever 
possible. As a result he was soon on the worst terms with 
all about him, and numbers of Jadeja kinsmen went into 
outlawry against him, leaving their villages depopulated, 
and attacking any part of Nawanagar territory where a 
blow would be calculated to do most harm. Jadeja 
Sataji fled to Jodia, and his request for help against his 
tyrannical brother was among the most urgent of those 
received by the British. 

An instance of Jam Jasaji's policy is afforded by his 
dealings with the Kathis. When Meraman Khawas had 
died, Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan journeyed to Nawanagar 
to congratulate the Jam on his assumption of his rightful 
status. He presented his host with a Kathi mare, one 
of a breed of horses for which the Kathis had long been 
famous. The Jam, however, disapproved of the animal 
and returned it to Wajsur Khachar after he had gone back 
to Jasdan. The Kathi, being hurt, gave the mare away 
to a char an, on hearing which the Jadeja declared he had 
been insulted and prepared to march on Jasdan. Wajsur 
Khachar accordingly began to make raids into Halar, 
but the army from Nawanagar proved too powerful for 
him and he fled to Limbdi, and thence to Bhavnagar. 



The Jam burnt Jasdan and ravaged the surrounding 
country, and Wajsur Khachar on making peace was 
obliged to pay a heavy fine — ^receiving, however, from 
the Jam an undertaking that he should not be molested 
for eight years. 

Shortly before Colonel Walker and the Maratha army 
under Babaji Apaji reached Nawanagar territory, the 
Makrani mercenaries of the Rana of Porbandar quarrelled 
with a body of Arab soldiers in the service of the same 
ruler. As a result of the dispute, the Makranis to the 
number of eight hundred men suddenly left Porbandar 
and seized the fort of Kandorna, some sixteen miles distant 
towards the North- East. At first they declared they would 
surrender the fort to the Rana when they had received 
arrears of pay which they claimed. The Rana, being 
anxious to avoid bloodshed, agreed to their demands, but 
the Makranis then refused to accept the money, and 
declared their intention of selling the fort to some other 
chief for as high a price as they could command. Accord- 
ingly in A.D. 1807 they approached Nawab Hamed Khan 
of Junagadh, as being the most likely purchaser, asking in 
return that they may be employed in his service. But 
the Nawab rejected the offer, and the mutineers now 
made the same proposal to Jam Jasaji. The Jam, con- 
trary to all principle and custom, closed with the offer, and 
paying over a sum of three lakhs of koris to the Makranis, 
took possession of the fort. 

Besides thus violating the unwritten laws of conduct 
as between chiefs at peace with each other, he transgressed 
the well-established rule to the effect that so long as the 
Gaekwad's tribute-collecting forces (known as the Mulk- 
giri army) remained in the peninsula, all acts of war as 
between chiefs must be suspended, and any armies abroad 
must retire to their forts, there to remain until the Marathas 
had left the province. The Jam was therefore called 
upon to surrender the fort, but he refused to comply with 


- <! M 

V i 




the order, and on the contrary made preparations for 
resistance. The Gaekwad's representative acted with 
great restraint, and while the Maratha army and the small 
British detachment accompanying it remained encamped 
at Gatu, he and Colonel Walker made every effort to settle 
the dispute peacefully. The disaffected Jadejas were 
prevented by their influence from attacking the Jam, 
which they were most anxious to do on seeing the strong 
support they imagined they were likely to receive. Rana 
Haloji promised that the whole of the money paid to the 
Makranis would be given back on the surrender of the 
fort, and even offered to cede an equivalent amount of 
territory elsewhere. But these pacific proposals were met 
by the Jam with a curt refusal ; and as a result Babaji 
Apaji advanced with his forces to Jiwapur, eighteen miles 
from Nawanagar. 

Here the terms were repeated to the Jam with greater 
force, but he still refused to entertain them in spite of 
the fact that he could not hope to prove successful should 
fighting ensue. He merely pleaded that he should be 
allowed to retain what he had acquired, and that if he 
had committed any offence it should be excused him. 
In the ordinary course of events, the Maratha army would 
now have laid waste the Jam's dominions and compelled 
him to surrender ; but the Marathas had agreed to follow 
the English policy of doing as little harm as possible while 
collecting tribute, and this time another course was 
decided upon. Realizing it would create a very bad 
precedent to allow the Jam to retain his unlawfully pro- 
cured gains with impunity, and actuated by the principles 
above mentioned, Colonel Walker and Babaji Apaji 
advanced against Kandorna, and in November a.d. 1807, 
after two hours' fighting, captured the place, handing it 
over to Rana Haloji, its rightful owner, on December 5 
of the same year. 

In view of the assistance rendered in recovering the 



fort for him, the Rana was called upon to pay a nazarana 
of twenty thousand rupees, and a few days after the place 
had been handed over, a settlement of the tribute due to 
the Gaekwad from Porbandar was drawn up and signed 
by all parties. It may here be remembered that Rana 
Haloji had deposed his father, Rana Sultanji, in a.d. 1804 
on account of the latter's inability to rule, and he acted 
as Manager of the State on behalf of his father until 
his death in a.d. 1812, predeceasing him by about one 

The settlement of the Bhavnagar affairs was now 
undertaken, and here certain difficulties presented them- 
selves, which were not finally overcome until a.d. 1816. 
After the Treaty of Bassein in a.d. 1802, when the Peshwa 
of Poena authorized the British Government to receive 
Wakhatsinhji Gohel's tribute, the rights of the latter in 
the districts of Dhandhuka, Gogha, and Ranpur became 
a subject of dispute. While the British collected the 
revenues, Wakhatsinhji was permitted to retain civil and 
criminal jurisdiction over the three districts, and this 
system of dual control was doomed to failure. Wakhat- 
sinhji had cultivated terms of friendship with the British 
Government, and realized to the full the security in the 
undisputed possession of his territories and conquests he 
was thereby afforded. But he resented stoutly the inter- 
ference in the affairs of the three places which the terms 
of the Treaty of Bassein rendered necessary. Nevertheless 
he met in a friendly spirit the wishes of Colonel Walker 
and the Gaekwad's Government and a settlement was 
satisfactorily concluded. 

Colonel Walker now proceeded to the permanent settle- 
ment of the tribute due by Junagadh to the Marathas. 
Matters were complicated here by the personal feelings 
existing at the time between Raghunathji and the Dewan 
of Baroda, Vithal Rao. Raghunathji was represented to 
Colonel Walker as aspiring to overthrow the rule of the 





Nawab, and to take his place. Colonel Walker, however, 
disbelieved the story and supported Raghunathji, enquiring 
from the Nawab why the villages given to the family of 
Amarji in a.d. 1784 had been subsequently re-appropriated 
by him, although the Maratha general, Rupoji Sindhia, 
had been a party to the arrangements made on that 
occasion. Amarji's sons were living in Kutiana when 
Colonel Walker came to Kathiawad, and were still dis- 
possessed of their property, while the Nawab's Dewan 
was one Rewashankar, who had accepted the post, and 
held it, through the influence and support of Babaji Apaji. 
After the settlement had been effected, a fine was imposed 
on the Nawab for the plundering of some British ships 
carrying wheat to Bombay by the pirates of Navi Bandar. 

The Nawab offered no opposition to the scheme pro- 
posed to him of fixing the amount of tribute to be paid 
annually to the Marathas, and appreciated the advantages 
to be obtained from a peaceful settlement. The past few 
years of his rule had been a time of great disorder and 
much fighting, and he welcomed the abolition of the annual 
visitation of the Mulkgiri army, which inevitably brought 
distress and suffering in its train. 

By virtue of their positions as the representatives of 
Moghal rule in Saurashtra, the Nawabs of Junagadh had 
long been accustomed to make expeditions to collect 
tribute on their own account. These collections had 
usually resulted in their obtaining a sum of between two 
and three lakhs of rupees on each occasion they were 
undertaken, and by these means the Nawab's troops 
were accustomed to be paid. This practice was now 
discontinued, and the Nawab undertook to send no more 
armies beyond his own territories. In retm:n he was to 
receive a fixed sum annually, which the British and the 
Gaekwad's Government undertook should be discharged 

The settlements of Rajkot, Gondal, Dhrol, and Nawa- 



nagar, together with those of the many smaller States 
comprising Halar were next undertaken, after which 
Colonel Walker moved into that central part of the 
peninsula inhabited by the Kathis, properly known as 
Kathiawad. As the Kathis had recently been severely 
punished both by Jam Jasaji and by Wakhatsinhji Gohel, 
and had called upon the British for aid, in no instance was 
an exhibition of force necessary in arranging the settle- 
ments regarding them, although they existed under so 
many distinct chiefs. They had suffered greatly of late 
years from both Rajputs and Marathas, and besides being 
glad of the protection now offered them, they, in common 
with all other people in Saurashtra, welcomed the prospect 
of the discontinuance of the Maratha Mulkgiri system. 

Colonel Walker found the Kathis in a very poor state 
of prosperity. Originally a tribe of nomads, wandering 
abroad throughout the peninsula, and possessing no 
landed property they could rightly call their own, they 
had gradually obtained from various Rajput rulers grants 
of villages and lands as a price for not plundering the 
remaining portions of their territories. Other portions 
of the province they usurped, and in course of time they 
became settled in those parts which were called after 
them. Their chief towns were Than, Jasdan, Jetpur, and 
Chital, and the last named they received from small 
Rajput chieftains who stipulated only for the payment in 
return of a fixed sum for their subsistence. Chital even- 
tually became quite a commercial centre, as the result of 
an incident whereby a trader set up a business in the 
town. A wealthy hania at Amreli had been maltreated 
and disgraced, and had fled to Chital, leaving his property 
behind him. He there agreed with the Kathis to give 
them one half of whatever they might recover for him, 
and they, only too glad of an excuse for raiding, undertook 
on these terms to get what they could. They raided 
Amreli and recovered all the merchant's goods and money, 



■a t 


the sight of which made them covet the whole. They 
thereupon decided to kill the bania so that they might 
retain it, but one of their women reproached them for this 
contemplated act of treachery and succeeded in inducing 
them to abandon the idea. Instead, therefore, they 
handed over to the bania the whole of his goods, and as 
a result of their generosity and justice he decided to set 
up in trade at Chital. The chiefs of this place now deter- 
mined to abandon their predatory habits, and they began 
to protect industry and merchants. 

This new mode of life soon had its effect, and the 
Kathis of Chital quickly gained a reputation for justice, 
and for exertions in protecting their subjects in troublous 
times. Soon afterwards Nawab Bahadur Khan of Juna- 
gadh, approving of their reformation, presented them in 
about A.D. 1760 with the towns of Mendarda, Bilkha, and 
Jetpur, reserving only to himself the right of taking a 
fourth part of the revenue of each place. In a.d. 1807 
Chital afforded an unique instance of reformed Kathis. 
The shareholders lived in harmony and unity, but the 
prosperity of the place had not entirely recovered from 
the effects of its fall to Wakhatsinhji of Bhavnagar in 
A.D. 1793. The marriage customs of the Kathis were, 
and are, entirely different from those of any other com- 
munity inhabiting the peninsula. We have already seen 
that they were divided into two classes — " Sakhayats," 
or those with property {i.e. the descendants of the Wala 
Rajput Werawal who married originally the Kathi woman 
Rupde), and " Awaratyas," or those Kathis not so 
descended, and that the member of one of these classes 
must always marry into the other. All thus live on terms 
of complete equality. 

Their laws of inheritance determine that all descendants 
receive an equal share of the property of a dead man, with 
perhaps a slight addition known as " Motap " in the case 
of the eldest son. Thus all property quickly became split 





up into small shares, and the result of these divisions is 
that in many eases the descendants of a once wealthy 
chief have become small holders of little or no importance. 
In former days they lived almost entirely by plunder, and 
frankly called themselves thieves. But the results of 
Colonel Walker's settlement soon manifested itself, and 
the Kathis finally settled down to a regular and orderly 
existence. The various tributes due by the chiefs of 
Saurashtra had now been completed, and in only two 
cases was it found that tribute of no kind was paid. The 
whole of Diu now belonged to the Portugese, who were 
quite independent, and in like manner Jafrabad, the port 
of Babriawad, some twenty miles East of Diu on the South 
coast, owed nothing either to the Marathas or to the 
Nawab of Junagadh. 

Jafrabad — or more properly Muzafarabad, from the 
name of its founder, Muzafar Shah, in a.d. 1575^s a 
seaport town surrounded by a strong wall belonging to 
the Nawab of Janjira, and famous for the fish known as 
" Bombay Duck," which are annually caught in great 
numbers off its coast. In a.d. 1807 Colonel Walker was 
unable to ascertain how the fort and district came to be 
independent. It is owned by Sidis, or Abyssinians, from 
whom the present Nawab of Janjira is descended, and 
who had established themselves in India some time diu-ing 
the fifteenth century. Mahomedan pirates used the place 
as a stronghold until conquered by Sidi Hilal of Surat, 
who levied on the pirates a heavy fine, which they proved 
unable to pay. They therefore sold Jafrabad to the Sidi, 
who in his turn in a.d. 1762 sold the place to the Sidi 
Nawab of Janjira, on accoimt of the unsettled condition of 
affairs in Saurashtra. Sidi Hilal became a general in the 
Nawab's service and remained at Jafrabad. The Sidis 
became admirals of the Moghal fleet, and on the dissolu- 
tion of the Mahomedan authority in Gujarat, themselves 
took to piracy, for which purpose Jafrabad formed a 





Iti ! 



convenient base. By their courage and activity they had 
succeeded in maintaining their independence and paid 
tribute to none. 

The immediate result of Colonel Walker's settlement 
was that Kathiawad became blessed with peace such as 
the peninsula had not enjoyed for very many years. 
The most important feature was the cessation of the 
annual march throughout the province of the Maratha 
Mulkgiri army. This force, coming each year, played 
more havoc than a flight of locusts would have done. Its 
path was marked by spoliation and desolation, and it was 
a fixed principle with the officer in command to get as 
much money as possible out of the chiefs and people. 
Inversely the chiefs endeavoiu*ed to pay as little as pos- 
sible, and consequently no fixed standard of collection 
was set, and the amount collected varied according to the 
power and ability of the parties. As a result no remission 
was ever allowed, but arrears were perforce permitted to 
accumulate, although no commander was ever content 
with less than his predecessor of the previous year had 
collected. But revenue failed to increase, largely owing 
to the presence of the collecting army itself, and arrears 
mounted up to great proportions which most of the chiefs 
could never hope to satisfy even had they wished. The 
Maratha system of domination had proved a failure. 

Colonel Walker remained in Kathiawad until a.d. 
1809, when he left the province, but it was not imtil after 
treaties made in a.d. 1817 and a.d. 1820 that the British 
Government became the paramount power in the penin- 
sula, and until a.d. 1822 it was governed by an officer 
of the Gaekwad of Baroda, whose headquarters were at 
Amreli. The consent of the Peshwa of Poona to the 
permanent settlement had not been asked, and after the 
lease of his rights, which he had made to the Gaekwad, 
had expired, he refused to agree to its terms. By the 
treaty of a.d. 1817, however, he ceded all his rights in 



Kathiawad to the British Government, while in a.d. 1820 
the Gaekwad agreed not to make any demands on the 
province except through the British. The last vestige 
of any independent authority disappeared two years later, 
when the Nawab of Junagadh resigned into the hands of 
the British the responsibility for collection of the tribute 
due to him, surrendering one-quarter of the whole amoimt 
to meet the expenses so incurred. 





t 1 

' f 


(a.d. 1808-1822) 

While Colonel Walker was still in Kathiawad, disturbances 
broke out in Porbandar, where Prathiraj, the son of Rana 
Haloji, rebelled against his father and seized the fort at 
Chhaya. All the efforts to dislodge him failed, and finally 
the Rana asked aid from the British. A force was sent 
to co-operate with him, and after a siege lasting for two 
hours the fort of Chhaya fell and Prathiraj surrendered, 
after having been wounded. His grandmother, who was 
with him in the fort, when captured was found to be 
wearing golden anklets, and the victors, greedy for spoil, 
cruelly cut off her feet to procure them. Porbandar was 
now placed under British protection and a detachment of 
one hundred men was stationed in the fort for the protec- 
tion of the Rana. The Rana ceded one-half of the revenue 
of the port to the British, in return for which they advanced 
him fifty thousand rupees, so that he might pay off a 
portion of his debt to the Gaekwad's Government. 

Nawab Hamed Khan of Junagadh died in a.d. 1811, 
and was succeeded by his son, Bahadur Khan, who was 
eighteen years of age and had been brought up at Patan, 
whither, with his mother, he had been sent some years 
before on account of a supposed attempt having been made 
by her to set fire to the Nawab's palace at Junagadh. 
Raghunathji was at this time at Kutiana, where he had 
been living for the past seven years, and fearing so young 
and inexperienced a Nawab might lead the State into 
trouble at a particularly critical time, the principal men 



W i 



of J 





* *5.. 






of Junagadh besought Raghunathji once again to take up 
the reins of office, which he consented to do, and he once 
more became Dewan. 

Although the capture of Kandorna fort by Colonel 
Walker had humbled Jam Jasaji of Nawanagar and had 
lowered his prestige in the eyes of the whole of Saurashtra, 
he still refused to act reasonably. Both Jadeja Sataji, 
his brother, and the Rao of Kachh, could get no satisfac- 
tion of their just claims against him, and sought help from 
the British and the Gaekwad. Matters came to a head 
when one of the Jam's Arabs shot a British officer at Gop 
and then fled to Modpur. A demand was made for his 
surrender, but the Jam refused to deliver up the murderer. 
Accordingly the combined armies under Captain Camac 
and Fatehsinha Rao Gaekwad marched against Nawa- 
nagar. For two days artillery bombarded the fort, with 
such effect that the Rajputs gave way and wished to 
surrender. The Jam was now obliged to sue for peace, 
and on February 23, 1812, he agreed to surrender the 
murderer, to destroy Modpur fort, to settle the claims of 
Kachh, to provide maintenance for his brother Sataji 
by handing over to him thirteen villages, to pay to the 
Gaekwad succession nazarana of twenty-five thousand 
rupees, and to perform certain other clauses of minor 

As soon as the operations against Jam Jasaji were 
concluded, the allied forces marched towards Junagadh 
and encamped at Lalwad, a distance of about eight miles 
from the town. Captain Carnac and Fatehsinha Rao 
Gaekwad now demanded from the young Nawab the 
nazarana due on his succeeding his father. The Nawab 
and Dewan Raghunathji contemplated resisting, and made 
preparations for defence, but peaceful measures ultimately 
prevailed, and Raghunathji accompanied the British and 
the Gaekwad' s representatives to Amreli, there to arrange 
the matter in question. The enemies of the Dewan now 


I - 



Ill > 






ir i 

■t !■ 


persuaded the Nawab that he was about to make some 
agreement to the prejudice of the State, and the Nawab 
accordingly wrote to Amreli asking for the negotiations 
to be cancelled and stating that he would agree to what- 
ever were necessary. Raghunathji, who had pledged 
himiself to hand over some villages, now returned to 
Junagadh, where he learnt that land would on no account 
be handed over, but there would be no objection on the 
part of the Nawab to paying nazarana in cash. Raghu- 
nathji, accordingly, seeing his position in the matter to be 
impossible, resigned the Dewanship and retired to Kutiana. 

No sooner was the Nawab's able minister out of power, 
when Dewan Vithal Rao of Baroda, by means of making 
large bribes in well-considered quarters, procured from 
the young Nawab a deed consigning the districts of Amreli 
and Kodinar to the Gaekwad. This obtained, Amreli 
fort was strongly rebuilt, and both places became a very 
fruitful source of revenue to the Baroda State. 

In the following year, a.d. 1813, Fateh Mahomed from 
Kachh made his final descent upon Halar. Collecting a 
large army he crossed the Rann, and on hearing news of 
his arrival Jam Jasaji became seriously perturbed. He 
called on Raghunathji for aid, who despatched his brother 
Ranchodji with three hundred men and one gun to 
Nawanagar. Fateh Mahomed had not yet penetrated 
far into the peninsula, and the Nawanagar army took up 
a position at Hadiana under the command of Gajsinhji 
Jhala and Gokal Khawas. The two latter did not work 
in agreement with Ranchodji, and the latter on his own 
account attacked the army of the Rao by night. His 
astonishment was great when a flag of truce was displayed 
by Sundarji Shavji, the British native Agent, who had 
been to Kachh to buy horses, and who now produced a 
letter from Captain Carnac enjoining the cessation of 
hostilities. A truce for three days was concluded, and 
Fateh Mahomed agreed meanwhile to restore everything 




plundered and to pay compensation for everything burnt. 
But he proved faithless to his word, and before the three 
days had elapsed fled with his army and crossed the Rann, 
hotly pursued by the Nawanagar forces, who succeeded 
in capturing the whole of his baggage. The next day a 
force of British and the Gaekwad's troops arrived under 
Colonel Crutchley, who crossed the Rann and pmrsued the 
Kachh army as far as Kotara, after which they returned. 
Fateh Mahomed died shortly afterwards, and in the 
following year Jam Jasaji also died, being succeeded in 
Nawanagar by his brother Sataji, who had for some time 
been living luider the protection of the British and the 
Gaekwad at Amreli. 

Kathiawad was devastated by famine through want of 
rain in a.d. 1813, which disaster was put down to a comet 
being seen for nearly four months earlier in the year ; 
while in a.d. 1814 an epidemic of some unknown nature 
attacked the province, of which many people died. The 
chroniclers of the time describe this mysterious malady 
as a pestilence, but there can be little doubt that plague, 
possibly for the first time, made its appearance within 
the peninsula. 

Intrigue now began to play a large part in guiding the 
affairs of Kathiawad, and two rival parties appear to 
have come into existence, the one supporting Dewan 
Raghunathji, and the other favouring his enemy, Dewan 
Vithal Rao of Baroda. Sundarji Shavji, the British native 
Agent, and an influential person under the conditions 
then pervading the province, was a partisan of Dewan 
Vithal Rao. Feeling between the two parties ran high, 
each trying hard to effect the downfall of the other. Thus 
it happened that in a.d. 1815 an officer in the employ of 
Nawab Bahadiu* Khan, by name Jamadar Mukhasam, 
who was an adherent of Dewan Vithal Rao, entered one 
day the Rang Mahal palace at Junagadh, and attempted 
to lay violent hands on the Nawab. Before any harm 

193 N 




111 r 



could be done, however, Jamadars Salim and Hasan, two 
attendants who happened to be present, interposed, and 
Umar Mukhasam was driven out of the palace, fortunate 
to escape with his life. He retired to his house, where he 
took up an attitude of threatening defiance. The Nawab 
now began to fear that he might be joined by other dis- 
affected persons, and so called upon Raghunathji for aid. 
Shortly afterwards Ranchodji, the latter's brother, was 
sent to Captain Ballantyne to obtain aid from the British, 
and a force under Colonel Aston at once marched to 

Seeing the British troops and two guns preparing to 
storm his house, Umar Mukhasam surrendered, and was 
expelled from Junagadh with ignominy. Captain Ballan- 
tyne now negotiated with the Nawab, with the result that 
the villages of Timbdi and Piplia were handed over to 
the Jamadar, together with a large sum of money, in 
payment of debts due to him. The Nawab also consented 
to reappoint Raghunathji as Dewan, and to make the 
appointment an hereditary one for the members of Dewan 
Amarji's family. This was in a.d. 1816, and in the 
following year the Nawab, out of gratitude for the help 
given in his difficulties with Umar Mukhasam, agreed to 
waive for ever any right to tribute from Dhandhuka, 
Ranpur, and Gogha, which factor tended in a great measure 
to lessen the friction and difficulty the administration of 
these three districts occasioned. The rights of civil and 
criminal jurisdiction over them, which had been allowed 
to remain with Wakhatsinhji of Bhavnagar after the 
Treaty of Bassein in a.d. 1802, had recently been resumed 
by the British Government under somewhat exceptional 

During the famine of a.d. 1814 some low-caste people 
in Bhavnagar territory killed and ate a cow, a grave 
offence in the eyes of a Hindu. Wakhatsinhji heard of 
this circumstance, and immediately had the offenders 





imprisoned — subsequently, on the advice of his Ministers, 
causing them to be put to death. The facts of the case 
became known to the British Government, who considered 
that Wakhatsinhji acted contrary to all principles of 
morality in considering that for the death of a cow several 
men should suffer the heaviest penalty it is possible to 
inflict, especially since the time was one of acute famine, 
when starvation was causing many deaths throughout 
the province. They therefore decided that an example 
should be made, with the result shown above. Wakhat- 
sinhji never recovered from the blow occasioned by this 
loss of power, and being an old man it doubtless had the 
effect of hastening his end. He died in the same year, 
at the age of sixty-eight. He was succeeded in Bhavnagar 
by his son Wajesinhji, who had had already four years' 
experience in the administration of the State, which had 
been virtually entrusted to him in a.d. 1812. 

The death of Wakhatsinhji Gohel removed from 
Kathiawad one of the most famous men that ancient 
country has produced. Of an active and ambitious nature, 
combined with prudence and sagacity, he began almost 
from the day he assumed the administration of his State 
to make himself as powerful as possible. He rightly 
discerned that the Kathiawad of those times was no place 
for any but the strong. He saw around him many 
evidences of the misfortunes of the weak at the hands of 
the more powerful, and he determined that the territories 
to which he had succeeded should not be allowed to 
diminish in size and that he would make himself sufficiently 
strong to protect and hold them against aggressors. The 
signs of the times were not lost on him, and he was not 
slow to cultivate friendship with the British, whom he 
aided greatly by his efforts in putting down piracy, the 
common enemy of both. His ambitions often overruled 
his better nature, and considerations of honour and justice 
were often forced to take a secondary place before self- 


!'■ !' 


interest and the ensuring of success to his schemes. Having 
engaged in any undertaking, he pursued it with vigour, 
and persevered in it to the end, never permitting himself 
to be shaken from his resolve. At the same time, while 
allowing nothing to stand in his way, he was not over- 
scrupulous in his employment of force, intrigue, or artifice 
to accomplish his ends. He was feared and respected by 
all around him, and by his death the Bhavnagar State 
lost a strong ruler, who had raised it in status and 
importance until it occupied a commanding position in 
Kathiawad affairs. 

When Jam Sataji succeeded his brother in Nawanagar, 
he was incapable of ruling on account of his indulgence 
in opium, and Jam Jasaji had arranged that after his 
death one Jagjiwan Devji should manage the affairs of 
the State. This plan, however, did not quite suit Rani 
Achhuba, widow of Jam Jasaji, and she induced Jagjiwan 
Devji's rival, named Motiram Buch, to stir up rebellion. 
This man succeeded in his designs, and the Arab soldiers 
from Maskat, who garrisoned the forts of Kandoma and 
Pardhari, revolted and created much devastation. Jagji- 
wan now appealed to the British and the Gaekwad's 
Government for aid, and on the Jam agreeing to pay the 
expenses of the expedition, a force of about one thousand 
men proceeded against Kandorna. The Arabs issued from 
the fort to meet their enemies in the open hand to hand, 
but they were no match for disciplined troops and were 
driven back with loss and in confusion. The fort sur- 
rendered, as also did Pardhari, which place the army 
next attacked. The Arabs fled to Jodia and the two 
places were handed over to the Jam. 

At Jodia the Arabs sought and obtained protection 
from Sangram Khawas ; and the Jam, who cherished a 
grudge against this man, asked the British to march 
against him for thus sheltering the Arabs. A force under 
Colonel East was therefore detached to proceed against 






Jodia, at which place it arrived about the middle of the 
rainy season. On seeing the force arrayed against him, 
Sangram Khawas lost heart and came out pale and 
trembling to ask for quarter. He surrendered the fort 
with all its artillery and ammunition, and also his own 
baggage. He himself was escorted to Morvi, and after- 
wards arrangements were made whereby he was to receive 
Amran for his maintenance. Sundarji Shavji, the British 
Agent, was then given Balambha and Jodia districts in 
farm for eight years, agreeing to pay to the British and 
the Gaekwad the instalments of the sum promised by 
the Jam for the aid they had recently given him. 

Sundarji Shavji now aspired to the Dewanship of 
Junagadh, and by way of preparing a path for himself, 
succeeded in placing Dewan Raghunathji in an unfavour- 
able light before the Nawab. He promised that were he 
himself Dewan, he would recover Upleta and Dhoraji for 
Junagadh, and also Mangrol and Wadasinor (Balasinor) 
in Gujarat, which was in the possession of a branch of the 
Babi family. The British Government supported Sun- 
darji, and eventually he succeeded in being appointed 
Dewan in a.d. 1818, much to the disgust of Raghunathji, 
whose whole-hearted enmity he thus earned. But Raghu- 
nathji was permitted little time for indulging in coimter- 
intrigue, for in the following year he died. 

On June 16, a.d. 1819, Kathiawad experienced 
a most severe earthquake, which caused much alarm. 
Porbandar, Morvi, and Amran suffered extensively, 
many houses being destroyed and many deaths thereby 

Captain Barnewall was appointed to be the first 
Political Agent sent to Kathiawad to represent the British 
Government on the establishment of an Agency at Rajkot 
in A.D. 1820, following on the Gaekwad of Baroda's 
agreement that year to make no demands on the Kathiawad 
chiefs except through the British. Colonel Walker's 




[i I 

settlement now bore fruit, and the British assumed the 
general administration of the province, while they under- 
took to collect and pay annually the sums due from the 
tribute-paying chiefs to the Marathas. Thus passed away 
the last vestige of direct Maratha sway over the penin- 
sula, although an officer of the Gaekwad's Government 
resided at Amreli in nominal charge of the province for 
two years longer. 

On the death of Jam Sataji of Nawanagar in a.d. 1820 
he had no heir and was succeeded by Jam Ranmalji, son 
of Jade j a Jasaji of Bhanwad and adopted son of Jam 
Jasaji. But Bai Achhuba instigated one Jamadar Fakir 
Mahomed to attempt what Meraman Khawas had so 
successfully accomplished, and to relegate the Jam to the 
background, himself carrying on the administration. The 
young Jam, however, strongly resented this procedure, 
and expelled Fakir Mahomed from Nawanagar, making it 
quite clear to all that he intended to administer his State 
without interference. He was an intrepid hunter, and 
not at all a man to be trifled with. 

The Kathis now began again to tire of the, to them, 
strange and peaceful existence which they had enjoyed 
since Colonel Walker entered the peninsula in a.d. 1807, 
and to appease their hunger for fighting they attacked 
Bhavnagar territory. The death of Wakhatsinhji in 
A.D. 1816 had removed the strong hand they feared, and 
in A.D. 1820 the Khuman Kathis of Kundla, under Hada 
Khuman,burnt Babariadhar and Barbatana, and plundered 
Mitiala and Nesri. The commander of the Bhavnagar 
troops at Kundla, hearing of their exploit, and being 
joined by detachments from Amreli and Lathi, marched 
against the Kathis, who, however, succeeded in evading 
him and in reaching the refuge of the Gir Forest. Ghela 
Khuman, the son of Hada Khuman, was sufficiently 
unfortunate to get cut off, and sought shelter at Amba, 
The Lathi detachment pursued him here, and in the fight 




\ V. 



which ensued he was shot. For this reason the Kathis 
will not to this day drink water in Lathi territory. 

On hearing the news of the death of his son, Hada 
Khuman planned an attack on Wanda, a village in the 
Kundla district. In a.d. 1821 the Kathis raided Wanda, 
but while endeavouring to reach the Gir Forest with their 
plunder, they were overtaken near Dedan by a force from 
Kundla under the command of Kala Bhati, and being 
defeated in the fight which ensued, abandoned their 
booty and sought refuge in flight. But Mansur Khuman, 
son of Jogidas Khuman, was killed by a musket-ball, and 
his brother Lakha was wounded, and smarting at their 
reverse and losses, they returned to their depredations in 
Bhavnagar territory with greater obstinacy and fury 
than before. The coimtry became so disturbed, that in 
A.D. 1822 the Political Agent, Captain Barnewall, marched 
to Amreli with a force and called upon Wajesinhji Gohel 
and all other neighbouring chiefs to meet him. He 
earnestly asked for the co-operation of all in hunting out 
and exterminating the outlaws — ^known generally as 
** Baharwatia," from the two words Bahar, outside, and 
wat, a road, indicating action of an improper nature 
— and offered all assistance in his power to enable them 
to preserve peace and punish the offenders. 

Wajesinhji thereupon proceeded to Kundla, to make 
plans from there as to the line of action to be taken by 
him for rounding up the aggressors, and while there he 
discovered that the Khumans were being aided and 
abetted by the Wala Kathis of Chital and Jetpur. On 
learning this fact, he communicated it to Captain Barne- 
wall, who called the Wala leaders to his presence and 
demanded to know the truth of the accusation. They 
strenuously denied that they were at all concerned in the 
raids of the Khumans, but were forced to give security 
against aiding them in the future. 

Scarcely had these measures been undertaken, when 




|i : 


the Khumans raided Junwadar, a Bhavnagar village, and 
carried away a number of cattle. They were at once 
pursued, and eventually were found to have taken refuge 
in the villages of Gugarala and Walardi, belonging to the 
Jetpur Kathis. This information was despatched to 
Wajesinhji, who immediately sent a strong force from 
Kundla to effect their capture. At daybreak next day 
the force had covered the thirty-six miles which lay 
between Kundla and Walardi, and surprising the village, 
succeeded in capturing Jogidas Khuman's two sons, 
Harsur and Golan, and his daughter, Kamribai. The 
force at once after this marched to Gugarala, but they 
were too late, and when they arrived there it was found 
that all the Kathis had left the village excepting Hada 
Khuman, who refused to surrender. He was thereupon 
killed and his head sent to Wajesinhji, who at once sent 
information to Captain Barnewall of the success of his 
troops and of the detention of his two important prisoners 
at Kundla. Proof of complicity on the part of the Jetpur 
Kathis was now not wanting, and Captain Barnewall sent 
for Mulu Wala and the other shareholders and put them 
in prison, placing Jetpur under attachment and appointing 
Shewakram Bhawanishankar to administer it. Shortly 
afterwards the imprisoned Kathis asked to be released, 
and Captain Barnewall agreed to do so on the under- 
standing that they captured and handed over to Waje- 
sinhji Gohel all the Khumans who still remained in out- 
lawry. Wikamshi Wala of Jetpur, Chela Khachar of 
Jasdan, Bhan Khachar of Bhadli, Harsur Wala of Bagasra, 
and Danta Kotila of Dedan, with one or two more, were 
retained as hostages, and the rest on being set free 
proceeded against the Khumans. After being engaged 
in pursuing the fugitives for a short time they captured 
Jogidas Khuman and six of his relations, all of whom were 
ringleaders in the outlawry. These were all handed over 
to Captain Barnewall and lodged by him in prison. 



Eventually they were all — ^with the exception of two 
who had died meanwhile in jail — handed over to the 
Jetpur chiefs' hostages, who took them to Bhavnagar in 
A.D. 1824. Negotiations were now opened with Waje- 
sinhji, but no satisfactory arrangement could be arrived 
at between the parties, and finally the hostages took 
the captured Khumans with them and returned to their 

The result of this hesitation and vacillation on the 
part of Wajesinhji was that at the end of the year the 
Kathis again went into outlawry and attacked Jesar, a 
Bhavnagar village. The troops at Mahuva and Kundla 
at once started off in piursuit of the marauders and came 
up with them at Mitiala, where Champa Khuman was 
killed. But the rest escaped to the Gir Forest, and the 
Bhavnagar troops were obliged to retinrn. 

Meanwhile fighting had been going on in the North 
of the peninsula, the Kolis from Kachh having crossed 
the Rann in a.d. 1821 and invaded and plundered the 
Northern part of Dhrangadhra. Amarsinhji Jhala 
appealed to the British, and asked for compensation from 
the Rao of Kachh. Captain McMurdo, of the 7th Bombay 
Infantry, was sent with a detachment of troops to exact 
compensation, as the Rao's control over the Kolis was 
little more than nominal. Finally the Rao himself was 
obliged to pay about two lakhs of rupees to cover the 
damage done by his lawless subjects. In a.d. 1821 also 
part of the district of Jhinjhuwada, which had been 
conquered by Amarsinhji seven years before, was taken 
out of Kathiawad and has since formed a part of the 
British CoUectorate of Ahmadabad. Inability to pay 
arrears of tribute had resulted in a.d. 1816 in its admini- 
stration being taken over by the Gaekwad's Government, 
and it did not again revert to the Dhangadhra State. 

While the Khuman Kathis were occupying the atten- 
tion of Bhavnagar, an outrage on a British officer was 







committed in a.d. 1822 by a Wala Kathi outlaw in the 
Gir Forest named Bawa Raning. Captain Grant, an 
officer of the Indian Navy, had been appointed in a.d. 1813 
to the command of a naval force that was formed by the 
Gaekwad of Baroda for the suppression of pirates on the 
coasts of Kathiawad and Kachh. In a.d. 1820 this naval 
force was abolished, as the piracy had been so reduced 
that it was not considered necessary to maintain it any 
longer, and Captain Grant was then directed to proceed 
to Amreli and there hand over the charge of the fleet to 
the Gaekwad's representative. He landed at Diu, and 
was proceeding inland with a small escort when Bawa 
Wala with thirty-five other Kathis attacked him. Being 
armed only with a riding-whip he was unable to make 
any effectual resistance, and after a sowar had been killed 
and a clerk severely wounded, he was captiu'ed. Bawa 
Wala now came up, and Captain Grant was ordered to 
dismount. After a short discussion he was told to mount 
again, and the whole band galloped with him into the 
forest, where he was kept a prisoner for two and a half 
months. He was guarded day and night, and was per- 
mitted no chance of escaping. The rainy season was at 
its height, but except on one or two occasions when 
shelter was obtained in a friendly village the whole time 
was spent in the open. 

Captain Grant's pitiable case came to the ears of the 
Political Agent, who at once took steps through the 
Nawab of Junagadh to effect his release. It appeared 
that Bawa Wala had been forcibly dispossessed of his lands 
by another Kathi more powerful than he, and had become 
a " Baharwatia " in consequence. The Nawab induced 
the other Kathi to restore his lands to Bawa Wala, who 
released Captain Grant on thus obtaining his object. 
When found, he was wandering in a field at night in a state 
of delirium, covered with vermin, and severely ill with 
ague and fever caused by exposure and fatigue. Bawa 



Wala was shortly afterwards, in a.d. 1824, killed in a 
fight at Visawadar with another Kathi chief named 
Harsur Wala, with whom he had long been at enmity, 
when he became a popular hero with the Kathi bards. 

Captain Grant's captivity among the " Baharwatias " 
brought to light the conditions rnider which they lived. 
They held life very cheaply, and while with the inhabitants 
of friendly villages they behaved with propriety, with 
those of villages not well disposed towards them they 
carried on an intermittent warfare. One of their customs 
was to ride up unexpectedly to the gates of such villages 
and to cut off with a stroke of the sword the heads of 
children at play, riding away before they could be over- 
taken. Their chief boast was concerning the number of 
men they had killed, and their practice was to cut off the 
heads of their victims so as to make quite certain that 
life was extinct. For food they ate such grains as they 
could procure, and milk when they could get it. At 
night each man slept with the halter of his horse tied to 
his arm, and on the approach of danger a tug from the 
horse awoke his master, who was instantly ready for flight 
or fighting. When they had captured a rich traveller, their 
method of extracting ransom-money was to tie him by his legs 
to a beam across a well, with his head touching the water, 
and then to saw at the securing rope until the demand 
was agreed to. The victim was taken up, and one of 
their number was sent to an agent on whom a bill for 
the ransom-money was made out. Until this money had 
been obtained the imfortimate prisoner was not allowed 
to depart. 

In A.D. 1822 Simdarji Shavji died, and the Nawab 
expelled his son from Jimagadh on account of his dis- 
satisfaction at the promised recovery of Dhoraji, Upleta, 
and Wadasinor not having been effected. 

The peaceful condition of affairs now generally preva- 
lent left the undisciplined soldiery of the States with little 



occupation, and those of Junagadh sought to add interest 
to their existence by undertaking minor plundering expe- 
ditions against towns and villages of neighbouring chiefs. 
Finally these incursions became so troublesome that in 
A.D. 1824 troops were despatched to Junagadh under 
Captain Wilson, to enforce payment of compensation to 
the injured States and to obtain assurances that for the 
future such forays would be prevented. The force 
remained encamped near Junagadh for more than two 
months, until finally the Nawab agreed to the terms 
imposed upon him. 



(a.d. 1822-1869) 

The Kathi marauders of Gohelwad never knew when 
they were beaten, and after each reverse they retired to 
the inaccessible fastnesses of the Gir Forest, issuing forth 
on some marauding expedition when the opportunity for 
doing so with impunity presented itself. In a.d. 1825 a 
famine of unusual severity occurred all over the penin- 
sula, the cattle in particular suffering from the want of 
fodder. As a result the Kathi outlaws of the Gir were 
compelled to undertake a foraging expedition, and in the 
following year fell upon the villages of Dharuka and Piprali, 
in Bhavnagar territory, and drove away all the cattle 
they could find. Wajesinhji, on hearing of this raid, at 
once set out from Sihor in pursuit, and at the village of 
Kanad overtook the Khumans, who were obliged to flee 
for their lives, leaving the stolen cattle behind them. 
Kandhoji Gohel of Palitana was anxious to give shelter 
to the fugitives, but Wajesinhji followed them up so 
closely that he was unable to do so, and the Kathis made 
for the Gir. 

Captain Barnewall promised compensation to Waje- 
sinhji for his losses from the Kathi hostages, and the 
Bhavnagar chief saw no reason under the circumstances 
for coming to some arrangement with the Kathis on other 
than his own terms. Jogidas Khuman now determined 
to plunder Bhavnagar town, and proceeded to Palitana, 
where he collected a large force consisting mainly of 
outlaws against the Junagadh and Bhavnagar States, 



Bit I ' 


among whom were Oghad Wala and Matra Wala of 
Halaria. Kandhoji Gohel gave substantial aid both in 
men and supplies. When a sufficient force had been 
collected, he marched on Nagdhaniba village, which he 
burnt. But dismissing his first intention, he now turned 
back and contented himself with plundering all the 
villages in his path, and with destroying all the crops. 
Wajesinhji at once despatched mounted troops to Palitana 
to cut off the Kathis should they endeavour to regain 
that place, while with a force of four hundred men he 
followed himself the Kathi raiders, coming up with them 
near Timana, on the bank of the Shatrunji River. Here 
a pitched battle took place in which the Kathis were 
worsted, but following their usual tactics the survivors 
split up and made their way to the Gir, there to prepare 
for their next foray. 

Jogidas Khuman did not remain long idle in the forest, 
and after a lapse of some months he again issued forth 
with his band and fell upon Haliad. Again a force was 
despatched from Sihor to endeavour to effect his capture, 
but once more without success. The Bhavnagar troops 
overtook the Kathis near Samiadhiala, but did not even 
succeed in preventing them from carrying off their pliuider 
to the Gir. Later, in a.d. 1827, the Khumans once more 
raided Bhavnagar territory, encouraged by the success 
of their previous enterprise earlier in the year. They 
plundered Dihor and defeated the garrison stationed 
there, but they were afterwards beaten by troops sent 
from Tana, who came up with them and drove them to 
seek shelter in Palitana after a hard-fought fight. 

These successive raids had proved very trying for 
Wajesinhji, who now began to wish sincerely for peace. 
He therefore sent emissaries to the Kathis to say that 
he would once more discuss terms with them if they came 
to Bhavnagar, which proposal they agreed to. After the 
lapse of nearly a year spent in negotiations, terms of 



peace were drawn up in a.d. 1829 whereby the Kathis 
agreed to surrender shares in the villages of Nesri, Jira, 
Vijpuri, Bhamodra, Mitiala, Ambaldi, and Dolti by way 
of compensation for the damage they had done. These 
terms were submitted to the Government of Bombay by 
Mr. Blane, who had succeeded Captain Barnewall as 
Political Agent in the previous year, and were approved. 

But even now peace was not permanently assured. 
After a lapse of seven years Sadul Khasia of Monpur, 
whose principal associates were outlaws and highway 
robbers, attacked the Shrawak temples on the Shatrunjaya 
Hill at Palitana and carried off a certain amount of 
plunder. The Palitana State and the Shrawak com- 
munity complained to the British Agency, and asked that 
Bhavnagar should be obliged either to pay compensation 
or to hand over the offenders, since they were subject to 
Wajesinhji. The Political Agent agreed this was fair, 
and requested the Bhavnagar State to comply with one 
or other of its terms. To enforce the demand, he levied 
a mohsal, or fine, on the State, upon which Wajesinhji 
fined Sadul Khasia. Champraj Wala of Charkha, who 
was " out " against the Gaekwad's Amreli Mahal, hap- 
pened at the time to be staying with Sadul Khasia, and 
incited his host to imitate himself and never to submit 
to oppression of this nature. As a further inducement 
he held out the hope of recovering Mahuva, should his 
tactics prove successful. 

Sadul Khasia, lured by the hope of prospective gain, 
and tempted by the idea of leading an outlaw's life, fell 
in with the plan with alacrity, and joined his friend with 
a band of his men. Their first exploit was to steal a 
number of horses belonging to Wajesinhji at Talaja, 
after killing those who were looking after the animals. 
They then attempted to gain the shelter of the Gir Forest, 
and on their way happened to pass by the village of Jhabal, 
It happened that Oghad and Wajsur Khuman of Bhamo- 





I ;;? 


dra, who had recently made peace with Bhavnagar, were 
paying a visit to Jhabal at the time, and after Sadul 
Khasia had arrived with his booty, a swift messenger was 
sent with the news to Kundla. The Khumans of Kundla, 
ever ready for fighting no matter who the enemy might 
be, prepared at once to pursue the outlaws, and were 
joined by the Kundla garrison. 

Eventually Sadul Khasia was surrounded on the 
Nandivelo Hill in the South-East of the Gir, but he managed 
to escape in the confusion that ensued, though with the 
loss of his plundered horses. As he still remained at large, 
and none believed he would remain quietly in the forest 
for long, Wajesinhji collected troops to take against him 
as soon as he would appear in the open. But the outlaw 
completely outwitted his pursuers, and suddenly leaving 
the shelter of the Gir burnt the village of Konjli near 
Mahuva, and with such plunder as he could collect returned 
to his hiding-place. Wajesinhji now decided to destroy 
Monpur, Sadul Khasia's home under ordinary conditions, 
and a large army was placed under two of his sons, Bhav- 
sinhji and Narsinhji. They proceeded to Monpur, where 
they destroyed the outlaw's house and the fort, and 
after leaving parties of men at various places on the road 
in case of attack, returned to Bhavnagar. 

Sadul Khasia was not slow to take revenge for the 
destruction of his ancestral home, and in a.d. 1838 he 
emerged and plundered Depla village, returning in safety 
to the Gir with his booty. Not long afterwards he 
repeated this performance in an attack upon Waral. As 
this village was set apart for the maintenance of Waje- 
sinhji's eldest son, Bhavsinhji, Sadul Khasia intended to 
bum it to the ground. But he found himself, on account 
of losses sustained in capturing the village, unable to 
carry out his intention, though he succeeded in doing a 
good deal of damage and in retiring to his retreat in the 
forest in safety. 


















Vachhani Ladhubhai on his Charger, 
fully armoured. 

Vala Jaghabhai and Devani Kikabhai 
with Party. 

Vachhani Tejabhai and Vachhani Rasabhai. 
Types of Heavy Cavalry. 

L.:^. m 

Saleh Jamadar's Arabs, ^vith a 

Types of Sihore Dasadia Cavalr>-. 



'■■ > 


dra, who had recently made peace with Bhavnagar, were 
paying a visit to Jhabal at the time, and after Sadul 
Khasia had arrived with his booty, a swift messenger was 
sent with the news to Kundla. The Khumans of Kundla, 
ever ready for fighting no matter who the enemy might 
be, prepared at once to pursue the outlaws, and were 
joined by the Kundla garrison. 

Eventually Sadul Khasia was surrounded on the 
Nandivelo Hill in the South-East of the Gir, but he managed 
to escape in the confusion that ensued, though with the 
loss of his plundered horses. As he still remained at large, 
and none believed he would remain quietly in the forest 
for long, Wajesinhji collected troops to take against him 
as soon as he would appear in the open. But the outlaw 
completely outwitted his pursuers, and suddenly leaving 
the shelter of the Gir burnt the village of Konjli near 
Mahuva, and with such plunder as he could collect returned 
to his hiding-place. Wajesinhji now decided to destroy 
Monpur, Sadul Khasia's home under ordinary conditions, 
and a large army was placed under two of his sons, Bhav- 
sinhji and Narsinhji. They proceeded to Monpur, where 
they destroyed the outlaw's house and the fort, and 
after leaving parties of men at various places on the road 
in case of attack, returned to Bhavnagar. 

Sadul Khasia was not slow to take revenge for the 
destruction of his ancestral home, and in a.d. 1838 he 
emerged and plundered Depla village, returning in safety 
to the Gir with his booty. Not long afterwards he 
repeated this performance in an attack upon Waral. As 
this village was set apart for the maintenance of Waje- 
sinhji's eldest son, Bhavsinhji, Sadul Khasia intended to 
burn it to the ground. But he found himself, on account 
of losses sustained in capturing the village, unable to 
carry out his intention, though he succeeded in doing a 
good deal of damage and in retiring to his retreat in the 
forest in safety. 



Vachhani Ladhubhai on his Charger, 
fully armoured. 

Vala Jaghabhai and Devani Kikabhai 
with Party. 

Vachhani Tejabhai and Vachhani Rasabhai. 
Types of Heavy Cavalry. 

Saleh Jamadar's Arabs, with a 

Types of Sihore Dasadia Cavalry. 




Wajesinhji now lodged a complaint with the Political 
Agent to the effect that when in the Gir, Sadul Khasia 
obtained shelter from the Junagadh State. The charge 
was denied, but in a.d. 1840 the outlaw was captured in 
a Koli's house at Motha, a village in the Una district 
under Junagadh, whence he was taken to Bhavnagar. 
He was then surrendered to the Political Agent, who tried 
him and sentenced him to ten years' rigorous imprison- 
ment, which he was sent to undergo at the Ahmadabad 
jail. The Bhavnagar State resumed all his possessions 
excepting the villages of Jambura and Chura, from which 
his two sons were to be maintained, and it was decided 
that Monpur should be handed back to him for the 
remainder of his life, should he survive his imprisonment. 
The stout-hearted outlaw did survive, and afterwards 
returned to Monpur to pass his remaining years in peace. 

Champraj Wala, who had shot an officer of the 15th 
Bombay Infantry, was also captured in a.d. 1837, and 
suffered the penalty for his misdeeds, being sentenced to 
imprisonment for life. Champraj Wala was a noted 
opium-eater, and while in prison had to be kept alive by 
the administration of large doses of the drug, it being 
found necessary to increase the doses until each totalled 
seventy grains. His habitual dose when free had been 
about the size of a large pigeon's egg ! 

Sadul Khasia was the last of the picturesque outlaws 
who haunted the Gir Forest. The attractions of becoming 
" Baharwatia " had greatly diminished since the estab- 
lishment of the British authority within the peninsula, 
and the prospect of a long period spent in prison when 
captured compared too unfavourably with the prospect 
of fighting and wealth in former times to make the " recrea- 
tion " one worthy of pursuit. Still Sadul Khasia was 
by no means the last outlaw, but he was the last of the 
fearless freebooters who was able to range far and wide 
before the establishment of police and other hindrances 

?09 Q 




rendered the amusement of outlawry impossible of pursuit 
for any appreciable length of time. 

Peaceful conditions had now become fairly firmly 
established throughout the peninsula, and the calm was 
only occasionally broken by misguided or dissatisfied men 
who went into outlawry fired by the exploits of Bawa 
Raning and Sadul Khasia. But their misused freedom 
was short-lived, for the States and altered conditions made 
a long revolt against authority an impossibility. These 
outlaws may be divided into three classes : firstly, Kathis 
and others, who used the Gir Forest as a place of refuge ; 
secondly, Waghers of Okhamandal, who found the Barda 
Hill convenient to hide in ; and thirdly, the ever trouble- 
some Mianas of Malia. The first-named were finally 
disposed of after the capture of Sadul Khasia, and it was 
the other two classes who at different times subsequently 
endeavoured to pursue their tactics. 

The Waghers of Okhamandal had always been a race 
of robbers, and their depredations by sea and the punish- 
ment they received at various times have before been 
referred to. With the abolition of piracy, those whose 
instincts led them to hanker after the mode of life of their 
ancestors were obliged to become highwaymen. Their 
bravery had always been unquestioned, and they were 
filled with that kind of honour which led Sewa Wadhel, 
Raja of Jagat, to sacrifice his life in defence of his guest, 
Muzafar Shah, when in a.d. 1592 that unfortunate man 
was being hunted by the army sent to capture him under 
Nauroz Khan. It was in a.d. 1802 that English ships 
first attacked their fortress on Shankhodhar Island, but 
though troops were landed and an assault was made by 
land, they were unable to enter the fort and were obliged 
to content themselves with burning all the pirates' ships 
along the Okhamandal coast. Four years later English 
troops were more successful in an attack on Positra, and 
that fort was conquered by Colonel Walker and destroyed. 



In A.D. 1820 the Waghers rose and expelled the English 
officer who had two years previously been posted at 
Dwarka to assist the Gaekwad of Baroda's representative 
in keeping order. This outrage could not go impunished, 
and a few months afterwards a powerful British force 
operating against the Waghers stormed Dwarka. In the 
fighting many of the leading Waghers were killed, including 
Mulu Manik and about two hundred and fifty of his tribe. 
A garrison was left in Dwarka, but soon afterwards it 
was removed, and the Okha district handed over to the 
Gaekwad of Baroda, who garrisoned the coimtry with a 
force of two hundred Arabs under a Baroda State official. 

Widha Manik, one of the Dwarka Waghers, joined by 
a Rabari named Rudo, went into outlawry in a.d. 1847, 
and on February 2 of the following year shot Lieutenant 
George Loch, of the 2nd Bombay Light Cavalry, between 
Jursall and Ranawao as he was journeying to Porbandar 
to proceed on leave to England. The outlaws were 
vigorously pursued by the States of Nawanagar and 
Porbandar, and in a.d. 1849 Rudo was captured, while 
Widha Manik finding it impossible to live as a closely 
hunted man, surrendered shortly afterwards, when he 
was tried and sentenced by the Political Agent at Rajkot. 

Mahuva again became a seat of trouble in a.d. 1851, 
when some of the Arab troops of Wajesinhji seized the 
town and refused to surrender until their claims for arrears 
of pay should be satisfied. On the advice of the Political 
Agent, Colonel Lang, they finally evacuated the fort and 
an agreement was passed with Bhavnagar State whereby 
their just claims were recognized, and the rebellion 

Nawab Hamed Khan II of Junagadh, who had suc- 
ceeded his father in a.d. 1840, died of consumption in 
A.D. 1851 at the early age of twenty-three. His brother, 
Mahomed Mahabat Khan, who was only fourteen years 
of age and was living at the time at Radhanpur, now 





1 1 



'■ H 



V 11 ^ 

: #1! ; 


became Nawab, but on account of his youth a Coiuicil of 
Regency under the Presidentship of Anantji Amarchand 
was appointed to manage the affairs of the State until 
the Nawab attained the age of twenty-one years. During 
this Regency the claims of Junagadh on the Kundla district 
of Bhavnagar were heard by Colonel Lang, the Political 
Agent, who decided that the Bhavnagar State should 
make to Junagadh an annual payment of nine thousand 
rupees in satisfaction. 

Wajesinhji Gohel of Bhavnagar died in a.d. 1852 
and was succeeded by his grandson, Akherajji, who only 
ruled for two years, when his brother Jaswantsinhji 
succeeded him. On the death of Akherajji the Mamlatdar 
of Gogha, supported by the Collector of Ahmadabad, 
proceeded to Bhavnagar and claimed possession on behalf 
of the British Government of the districts of Gogha, 
Ranpur, and Dhandhuka, comprising in all one hundred 
and sixteen villages, on the ground that the direct line of 
succession had died out and that Jaswantsinhji could not 
lawfully succeed to that portion of the estate of his brother. 
An attachment was meanwhile placed over the districts 
in question, but the Bhavnagar State strenuously opposed 
the contention, and received the support of the Political 
Agent, Major Barr. The matter was placed before the 
Government of Bombay, who upheld the contention of 
Bhavnagar, and ordered that Jaswantsinhji should succeed 
to the disputed districts as forming part of the State. 
Subsequently in a.d. 1859 the districts were placed 
under the Kathiawad Political Agency as the result of 
difficulties having arisen two years previously between the 
State and the police of Ahmadabad, who had unadvisedly 
interfered in the State affairs. 

Nawab Mahabat Khan was permitted to assume control 
of Junagadh State in a.d. 1859 on reaching the age of 
twenty-one, and he retained the President of the Council 
of Regency, Anantji Amarchand, as his Dewan. But 



during the seven years of his minority his mother, Naju 
Bibi, and a woman by name Chaitibu had acquired great 
influence over the young Nawab, and endeavoured to 
retain their power after the affairs of the State had been 
handed over to him. This naturally brought them in 
conflict with Anantji Amarchand, the Dewan, and in 
the name of the Nawab a strong representation was made 
to the Political Agent describing the unsatisfactory state 
of affairs. It was thereupon decided that a Council of 
Regency should be again established, and in a.d. 1859 
Captain Shortt proceeded to Junagadh to re-inaugurate 
the measure. But the mother's influence still remained 
paramount in the State, and Captain Shortt reported to 
the Government of Bombay on the conditions. As a 
result, in a.d. 1860 Mr. Kinloch Forbes was sent to Kathia- 
wad as Political Agent, and he persuaded Anantji to resign, 
one Dungarshi Devshi being appointed in his place. 
For four months the administration was carried on 
without much hindrance, but after that, matters were 
made so difficult by Naju Bibi and her two confidential 
servants, Keshavji and Virji, that after holding office for 
a little over a year Dungarshi Devshi was obliged to 
resign. Some short time afterwards, Dungarshi was found 
to have been sheltering Wagher outlaws, and was dis- 
graced. He was also found to have been involved in a 
murder, and in the investigation being made into the 
facts of the case it was found that Keshavji, Naju Bibi's 
servant, was also implicated, and he was placed with 
others in confinement. 

The young Nawab, who was still kept in a state of 
virtual imprisonment by his mother, at this juncture wrote 
to the Political Agent, asking to be released from the 
unhappy condition in which he existed, and Captain 
Elliot was sent by Colonel Barr to Junagadh. Shortly 
afterwards Captain Elliot died, and Mr. Coulson was 
appointed to continue the enquiries. Mr. Coulson en- 


f H 


> i 


camped at Wanthali, and while he was there the Nawab 
succeeded in escaping from Junagadh with his brother, 
when they fled to his camp and asked his protection. 
The Nawab remained with Mr. Coulson, who sent word 
to Colonel Barr as to what had taken place. He now 
received orders to go to Junagadh and to expel all people 
from the palace who were there against the Nawab's will. 
Shortly afterwards Colonel Barr decided to proceed himself 
to Junagadh, where after the exercise of much tact and 
patience the disturbing elements were removed without 
bloodshed from the palace and the Nawab installed. 

In the meantime Keshavji procured his release from 
detention through the able advocacy of his counsel, 
whereupon he endeavoured to raise public sympathy on 
his behalf by publishing in the papers articles referring 
to the state of affairs in Junagadh. The Government of 
Bombay now appointed Major Anderson to act as Political 
Agent mitil the arrival of Major Keatinge, V.C., to take 
up the appointment permanently, and removed Colonel 
Barr since they disapproved of his action at Junagadh. 
Enquiries were now instituted to find out whether pressure 
had been put upon the young Nawab to induce him to 
change his advisers, and fear of a return to his former 
condition of tutelage so alarmed him that he strongly 
objected and asked to be allowed to remain his own 
master. Keshavji was now tried, and on being found 
guilty of intrigue was sentenced to ten years' imprison- 
ment. Virji was subsequently placed in confinement in 
the Uparkot for instigating Naju Bibi to rebel, where he 
died from a fall from a window, and with his death ended 
any further attempt to control the actions of the Nawab 
by those whose influence in State affairs was undesirable. 
Gokalji Jhala was appointed Dewan in a.d. 1861 on the 
departure of Dungarshi Devshi, and he continued to hold 
the appointment until a.d. 1878, when he died. 

Meanwhile the Waghers had continued their activities 




and many turbulent characters had begun to follow the 
example of Widha Manik, undeterred by his fate. When 
in A.D. 1817 the British had handed over Okhamandal 
to the Gaekwad of Baroda, those leading Waghers who 
had been deprived of their lands were given pensions. 
But in A.D. 1857 some interference was made by the 
Gaekwad's Government regarding those pensions, and the 
angered recipients, only too glad of an excuse, created a 
disturbance which was not suppressed until after the 
arrival of British troops in the district under Lieutenant 
Barton. In the following year more discontented Waghers 
seized the fort at Dwarka, and were not driven out until 
British troops again attacked them. It was now decided 
that the Gaekwad's Government should prosecute its own 
operations against the disturbers of the peace, and Lieu- 
tenant Barton withdrew his detachment. The Baroda 
troops now invested Wasai, and after a desultory siege 
the Waghers finally came to terms. But in a.d. 1859, 
encouraged by the events of the Mutiny, they rose 
en masse and under the leadership of Jodho Manik 
seized the whole of the Okhamandal Peninsula. The 
Gaekwad's representative now wisely placed the affairs 
of the district entirely into the hands of the British, and 
a body of troops under Colonel Honner was sent to subdue 
the rising. The Waghers entered Kathiawad and took 
up a position on the Abpura Hills, from which after some 
fighting they were dislodged in December of the same 

But a small party of the insurgents escaped and 
proceeded by sea to Sutrapada, where they were joined 
by outlaws against Junagadh State and many other 
malcontents. They now began to ravage the territory 
of the Gaekwad, and on October 8, 1860, with magnificent 
insolence, attacked and captured Kodinar. The Baroda 
troops were unable to withstand them as they had no 
ammunition, while relieving forces arriving from Amreli 



fi i 




f.j^ ?l 


were found to be in the same unprepared condition. The 
outlaws thus plundered at their leisure, and after much 
eating and drinking retired unmolested at nightfall. 
The rebellion now attracted the attention of the Secretary 
of State, and as a result of the weak rule exercised by 
the Gaekwad's Government, it was decided that two 
British Assistants to the Resident at Baroda should be 
stationed, one at Dwarka and the other at Amreli. Shortly 
afterwards Jodho Manik died of fever in the Gir Forest, 
but his death did not put an end to the Wagher dis- 

In A.D. 1862 Deva Manik and Mulu Manik, who had 
been captured in the Abpura Hills three years before, 
now escaped from confinement at Baroda, and returning 
to Okhamandal they once more threw that district into 
disorder. A great number of outlaws in Kathiawad 
joined them and attacks were again made upon the 
Gaekwad's Amreli territories. The Amreli police proved 
insufficient to cope with them, and a fourth Dhari regiment 
of Gaekwad's troops was raised and placed under the 
orders of the Assistant Resident. Finally at the end of 
A.D. 1864 a strong force of Waghers took up a position 
on Chachai Hill, twelve miles from Dhari, and there defied 
all attempts to dislodge them. A British detachment 
was finally sent against them from Rajkot imder Captain 
Stow, Royal Artillery, when the Waghers withdrew to 
Okhamandal without offering battle. In December a.d. 
1865 they again entered the Gir and attacked the Amreli 
district, but a force under Colonel Keatinge, V.C., soon 
drove them from their hitherto secure retreat. 

The Waghers had now become a public nuisance, and 
it was decided to crush them altogether to relieve the 
province from their menace. Accordingly in a.d. 1865 
a fund was started to provide money for combined opera- 
tions, to which the States of Junagadh, Gondal, Por- 
bandar, and Nawanagar contributed largely. A sum of 



two lakhs of rupees was collected, to which were to be 
added fines imposed on Talukdars for harbouring or 
otherwise found to be aiding the outlaws. By means of 
this fund a corps of five hundred men was raised under 
two British Superintendents and two Assistants, and this 
force was stationed at fifteen outposts. The mountainous 
country which they were to supervise was divided into 
two divisions, Eastern and Western, with headquarters 
at Wanthali and Barda Choki respectively. In August 
A.D. 1867 Lieutenant Gordon was appointed Superinten- 
dent of the Western division, having under his command 
the Nawanagar, Porbandar, and Gondal levies, while 
Lieutenant Hemsted was appointed to command the 
Eastern division, his detachment comprising the levies 
from Junagadh and the Bantwa talukas. The Assistants 
appointed were Khan Bahadm* Sheikh Kamrud-din and 
Jamadar Sayad Alwi-bin-Edrus. 

The outlaws still continued to defy all authority, and 
the forces operating against them lost no time in making 
every effort to round them up. Colonel Anderson, 
Political Agent, taking charge of the operations, on 
December 26, a.d. 1867, received information that all 
the principal rebels were being harboured at the village 
of Butwadar in Dhrafa, and at once made a forced march 
against them, only to find his information was not correct. 
Two days later, on December 29, further intelligence was 
obtained to the effect that the outlaws had seized a 
subject of Nawanagar at Wadala, and had made off 
followed by a patrol. A cavalry force inider Captain 
Harris, 1st Bombay Lancers, pushed on after them at 
once. Colonel Anderson and his two assistants. Captains 
Henry Hebbert and Charles La Touche, accompanying 
the force. The infantry received orders to follow hard 
upon them, and the cavalry after marching a forced 
march for seventeen miles, finally came up with the 
Waghers near the village of Mancharda, where they were 







'.. r 



: I 


1 :if 


found to be strongly entrenched on the Tobar Hill, an 
isolated peak rising about three hundred feet above the 
surrounding country. The outlaws at once opened fire 
on the troops, who surrounded the hill and awaited the 
arrival of the remainder of the force under Major Reynolds, 
17th Bombay Infantry, since they were not sufficiently 
strong to attack the position themselves. 

In the evening the reinforcements arrived, and it was 
decided to attack the outlaws at once. Captain La Touche 
at the head of a party of levies with Jamadar Sayad Alwi 
attacked from the South-East, while a small force under 
Major Reynolds attacked from the South- West. Captain 
Hebbert, at the head of some men of the 17th Bombay 
Infantry, was made responsible for the West and North- 
West, while the remainder of the levies luider Jamadar 
Jalam Singh of Nawanagar were placed so as to attack 
from the North and North-East. Unfortunately the Nawa- 
nagar levies refused to advance against the outlaws, in 
spite of promises of rewards, and when the simultaneous 
attack by the remaining three parties culminated in their 
arrival on the crest of the hill, the Waghers fled on that 
side where no resistance was offered. The outlaws were 
armed with guns and rifles which they used effectively, 
and on reaching the top of the hill Captain Hebbert fell 
mortally wounded. Major Reynolds was wounded slightly, 
and Captain La Touche pursued the rebels down the 
imattacked side of the hill, followed by his men. Seizing 
Jamadar Jalam Singh's horse, he mounted and pursued 
alone the flying Waghers, shooting one dead. He had 
wounded another and was dismounting to kill him with his 
sword when the wounded man contrived to fire his loaded 
rifle and shot his pursuer through the side. The wound was 
mortal, and Captain La Touche died in a few minutes in the 
arms of Jamadar Sayad Alwi, who had followed close upon 
his leader. Deva Manik was killed, as were several other 
outlaw leaders, notably Mamudia Sidi, Karson Meher, and 



Punja Manik, while Sakhur Makrani was severely wounded. 
The British losses were twelve killed and two wounded, 
but the result of the encounter was that the Wagher gang 
was completely broken up for the time being. Jamadar 
Sayad Alwi was presented by Government with a gold 
medal in recognition of his bravery and was also made 
" Khan Bahadur," while suitable rewards were made to 
others who had done especially well in the operations. 
Those of his levies who had shown cowardice were punished 
by Jam Vibhoji of Nawanagar, and the deaths of Captains 
Hebbert and La Touche were universally mourned through- 
out the peninsula. 

In the following year, on May 7, the Western division 
of the levies under Jamadar Nanda, assisted by a party 
of the Rana of Porbandar's forces imder Jamadars Lakha 
and Mubarik, came upon those outlaws who had escaped 
from Tobar Hill at the village of Wanchurda, in Porbandar, 
and there surrounded them. They made a desperate 
resistance, killing two and wounding eight of the attacking 
force. But the principal rebels were all killed, including 
Mulu Manik, and with their deaths ended the Wagher 
revolt which had disturbed the peace of Saurashtra for 
years. Jamadars Nanda, Lakha, and Mubarik were the 
recipients from Government of generous money rewards 
for the part played by them in ridding the province of 
the pests. 

The following ballad translated by Mr. Kincaid in 
his book " Outlaws of Kathiawad " refers to Mulu Manik 
in flattering terms and shows something of the romance 
which surrounded those lawless warriors : 

The Maratha may charge like the set of the tide, 
He fears not, who often the battle had tried. 
They dread him at Dhari, though Dhari be far. 
And they shake at his name in remote Kodinar. 
The lords of the land may sit perched on a throne. 
But he takes all their treasure and towns for his own. 




And their insolence fades and their whiskers uncurl, 
When they see the gay banner of Manik unfurl. 
Awaiting the feast each Kathi reclines. 
Mulu comes. At his ease off their dinner he dines. 
Deep vengeance they plan. What recks Mulu the bold ? 
Kings gj-ovel before him whene'er they are told. 
And the Rajput and Kathi they fear him the same, 
And the white man grows whiter on hearing his name (!) 

I i 



(a.d. 1868-1879) 

It was in a.d. 1865 that Colonel Keatinge proposed confer- 
ment of salutes of eleven guns on the chiefs of the first 
class in Kathiawad, who at that time were H.H. the 
Nawab of Junagadh, H.H. the Jam of Nawanagar, H.H. 
the Thakor of Bhavnagar, H.H. the Rana of Porbandar, 
and H.H. the Raj of Dhrangadhra, and the Government 
of India were pleased to agree to this proposition in the 
following year. Following close after the granting of this 
honour, on December 22, a.d. 1866, Colonel Keatinge, 
V.C, C.S.I., at a Darbar held at Wadhwan invested H.H. 
Ranmalsinhji of Dhrangadhra with the rank of Knight 
Commander of the Star of India, and the Jhala chief 
thus became the first of those in Kathiawad to be so 
honoured. Three years later, however, he died, and 
was succeeded by his son Mansinhji. New ideals of 
administration in the States were now making great 
strides under the influence of the peaceful condition 
throughout the province. Jam Vibhoji, who had suc- 
ceeded to the gadi of the Nawanagar State on the 
death of his father, Jam Ranmalji, in a.d. 1852, intro- 
duced in A.D. 1866 a beneficent reform when he appointed 
regular paid servants of the State to administer the various 
districts, thus superseding the former custom of farming 
them out to favourites. This wise reform removed a 
source of great evil, for the practice before it was intro- 
duced had resulted in oppression of the cultivators in 
order to extract all possible from them, scarcely even 










■: I 



allowing them in many cases sufficient to live upon. In 
the same year the civil and criminal jurisdiction over the 
districts of Gogha, Dhandhuka, and Ranpur, which had 
been assumed by the British Government in a.d. 1816, 
was restored to Thakor Jaswantsinhji of Bhavnagar. 
This measure was the result of an enquiry conducted in 
A.D. 1860 to investigate the matters under dispute between 
the Government of Bombay and the Bhavnagar State. 
The Thakor' s reforms in the administration of his terri- 
tories led Government to show further appreciation of 
his work in the following year, when the title of Knight 
Commander of the Star of India was conferred upon him. 

With the advances made in every direction throughout 
the peninsula, the need had long been felt of some suitable 
institution at which the sons and relations of the chiefs 
of Kathiawad might be educated. Colonel Keatinge 
made every effort to establish some good system, but 
found the chiefs and their advisers strongly antagonistic 
to any suggestion which should remove their sons from 
their homes. The whole Zenana influence was also 
brought to bear against the scheme, but Colonel Keatinge 
persevered and gradually persuaded one chief after another 
to grant him funds towards building a Raj kumar College 
at Rajkot, for which he selected a suitable site. Finally 
his continued efforts bore fruit. A sufficiently large sum 
to begin with was collected, and on April 28, a.d. 1868, 
Colonel Anderson, who had succeeded Colonel Keatinge 
as Political Agent, laid the foundation-stone of the 

Among so many evidences of the progress such as we 
have seen enumerated it was unfortunate, perhaps, that 
a reminder of former conditions should occm* in the 
province to show that festina lente was the guiding 
principle still to be followed. Less than a century before, 
mutilation was not looked upon as anything very extra- 
ordinary and rough-and-ready justice was not always 




tempered with mercy. Of this an instance was provided 
in A.D. 1869, when Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar returned 
to his capital after a visit to an exhibition at Broach. 
Diu-ing his absence the administration of the State had 
been conducted by his son, Madhavsinhji, who was led 
by evil associates to drink and became so overcome with 
the habit that he died from indulgence in it during the 
Rana's absence. When the chief heard the whole facts 
of the case, in his anger he ordered that the nose and ears 
of the man Lakshman, who had been chiefly concerned 
in ruining his son, should be cut off. After this punish- 
ment had been inflicted, the man threw himself from a 
terrace in the palace and subsequently died of the injuries 
he thereby received. 

The circumstances soon became known to Government, 
who at once took away the powers of a first-class chief, 
which the ruler of the State enjoyed, and degraded him 
to the third class. The Rana felt, perhaps with justice, 
that he had been harshly treated, and considered that 
the proper punishment for a man who had ruined his son 
was death, while he had contented himself with mutila- 
tion. He was himself of irreproachable character, and 
the particularly cold-blooded manner in which the ruin 
of Madhavsinhji was accomplished appealed to him as 
meriting the most stringent punishment. However, in 
A.D. 1886 the powers which had been forfeited were restored 
to the Porbandar State on Rana Vikmatji being dethroned 
for continued misrule. 

Thakor Jaswantsinhji of Bhavnagar died in April 
A.D. 1870 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Takhat- 
sinhji, who was, however, a minor at the time aged twelve 
years. The Government of Bombay therefore decided to 
establish a joint administration in Bhavnagar until 
Thakor Takhatsinhji should be of age, and Mr. E. H. 
Percival together with Mr. Gawrishankar Udayashankar 
were selected to be the first Administrators. This was 


r ffl 


not the first instance of its kind, the States of Limbdi and 
Rajkot having been phxccd under simikir administrations 
three years previously. 

The year a.d. 1870 marked the beginning of a new 
era in the history of the province, for in that year the 
Rajkumar College was opened and the most important 
beginning was made in educating young chiefs and embryo 
rulers so as to make them fitted to take their places 
afterwards as competent administrators under modern 
conditions of civilisation. The experiment — for the inau- 
guration of the College was nothing more than this — 
shortly proved to be an enormous success, and the example 
was quickly followed in other parts of India. On December 
16, A.D. 1870, Sir Seymour FitzGerald, Governor of 
Bombay, declared the main building opened at a Darbar 
held at Rajkot, at which the ruling chiefs of Junagadh, 
Nawanagar, Dhrangadhra, and Porbandar, and many 
others were present. When all had taken their seats. 
Colonel Anderson, the Political Agent, made the follow- 
ing speech, detailing the circumstances leading to the 
memorable occasion which formed the reason for the 
assembly, and for the visit made to Kathiawad for the 
first time by the Governor of Bombay, within which 
Presidency under British rule Kathiawad was constituted : 

" Your Excellency : The ceremony which we have 
solicited your Excellency to perform this evening is one 
which we fervently hope may be the most auspicious 
connected with your visit to this province. It is the 
opening of the Rajkumar College, designed for the educa- 
tion of the sons of the chiefs and nobles of Kathiawad. 
It owed its origin to that most energetic and able Political 
Officer, Colonel Keatinge, to whose impetus most of the 
progress this most important province has made of late 
years is due. Urged by him, the chiefs and talukdars, 
with characteristic willingness, responded to the call, and 
furnished the requisite funds, which subsequently had to 








be doubled. The foundation-stone was laid on April 25, 
1868, and the building you see is now in a state of sufficient 
completeness to admit of its being put to the great use 
for which it is intended. In its present state it has cost 
a lakh of rupees, but some considerable sums will yet 
have to be spent to provide accommodation and equip- 
ment indispensable for an academy intended for the 
noble youths to be lodged and brought up in it suitably 
to the position they will hereafter be called upon to hold. 
For its architectural beauty and the professional skill 
displayed throughout the whole our warmest thanks are 
due to Mr. Robert Booth, who, as our Local-Fund Engi- 
neer, has constructed many useful public works in the 
province. The present building can at once accommodate 
twenty-five students, the number at first contemplated 
as likely to avail themselves of it ; but with the additions 
which have been provided for in the original plans, and 
for which funds are required, quadruple that number can 
be lodged within its precincts. In according your formal 
sanction to it, and declaring it open in the presence of 
the chiefs of Kathiawad assembled round you, I would 
earnestly crave that you would again impress upon them 
the political utility, nay the desirability, of educating 
their sons in such an institution common to all. 

The fact may not be unknown to all that the rulers 
and leaders of peoples and communities cannot with 
safety be permitted to be brought up in ignorance, or 
suffered even to be satisfied with an ordinary pandit, 
or even what an educated tutor can impart from books 
at home. To be properly fitted for their position they 
must have what we in Europe would call a manly educa- 
tion and a physical training in order to make them strong 
and healthy and intelligent governors and administrators 
of the people of their ancestral dominions. Persons 
occupying their position cannot afford to lose sight of the 
fact that although education, in its widest sense, has in 
all countries had for its first votaries the poorer portion 
of the population, royalty and aristocracy have ultimately 
found it to be to their vital interest to follow in paying 
their devoirs to the Goddess of Knowledge ; and history 

225 P 



)' 5 


furnishes no example of an aristocracy or monarchy 
successfully holding its own by lagging behind in 
progress of knowledge amongst their social inferiors or 

Regarding the establishment of the College, the 
Director of Public Instruction, with whom I have been 
in communication, has secured for it the services of Mr. 
Chester Macnaghten, a gentleman of high and varied 
attainments, and master of some of the vernacular lan- 
guages of the East. It is a matter of much regret that 
he has been unable to arrive in time to take part in this 
interesting ceremony of opening, but, from a communica- 
tion lately received from him, he announces his immediate 
departure from Benares and his hope of joining us by the 
first week in January. In the meantime, such of the 
assistants as can be secured will make all the preparations 
pending his arrival. 

It is a source of the greatest gratification to me that 
your Excellency should have so opportunely timed your 
visit to this ancient province as to admit of this noble 
building being opened formally by yourself. The benefit 
which it will derive from this auspicious event will, I 
consider, be incalculable. The prestige of your Excel- 
lency's name is great, and your Excellency's interest in 
all that concerns education will, I fervently trust, be 
likewise extended to this College, the first of its kind in 
Kathiawad, and which under Providence, let us hope, 
may in time emulate the fame of the Eton of the Western 
World. Its success will be a step in advance and will be a 
pledge of future benefit to both the rulers and the ruled 
of Kathiawad ; and whereas formerly the sons of chiefs 
rarely, if ever, learnt anything beyond the limits of the 
palace or zenana, we now hope in time to have in their 
place an intelligent, educated, manly set of noble youths 
and burning with emidation to outstrip each other in the 
glorious task of elevating humanity. 

I now beg of your Excellency to declare this College 
open for its important object, naming a day when its 
first term shall commence, and informing the fathers of its 
intended inmates assembled around you of the arrange- 




ments made for the beginning of its work, and may 
Heaven's choicest blessings be showered on it ! 

To this speech Sir Seymour FitzGerald made the 
following reply : 

Princes and Chiefs of Kathiawad, and Colonel 
Anderson, — The duty which you have called upon me to 
fulfil is one almost of a merely formal character ; but 
because it is merely formal, it is not the less a subject of 
the greatest gratification to me, because I am confident 
that the ceremony in which we are engaged to-day, simple 
as it is, is one of the most vital importance to this Presi- 
dency, and one which will probably, or rather certainly, 
if it is properly carried out, bear fruits, the full value of 
which neither I, nor any one here, can rightly or fully 
estimate. And I must congratulate you, Chiefs of Kathia- 
wad, that we are met here to-day to complete an under- 
taking which his Excellency the Viceroy only a few weeks 
ago, in addressing your brother chiefs in Rajputana, 
recommended to them as an enterprise which it was 
important for them to commence, and thus, among the 
princes of your own blood and race, you have arrived at 
the goal before they have started ; you have this noble 
building completed before they have even begun to 
consider the measures necessary to enable them to carry 
out what you have successfully achieved. 

You have asked me. Colonel Anderson, to impress 
upon the chiefs here present the importance and the value 
of this institution. It is difficult for me to do more than 
reiterate that which I ventured most to impress upon 
them in Darbar only the day before yesterday ; but I 
have the success of this undertaking so much at heart, 
that I do not hesitate very shortly but earnestly to repeat 
what I then said. I beg them to consider what you 
yourself have pointed in your address — ^that the object 
of the institution is not merely that the sons of the chiefs 
of Kathiawad should have the means of acquiring a 
certain amount of knowledge, but that they should acquire 
it in the most valuable form in which it can be attained, 
in a manner that shall train and discipline the character 



[ 'i 




as well as the head and strengthen them for the duties 
they will be called upon hereafter to fulfil. I do not 
doubt that information may be acquired under a tutor 
at home, nor would I have it supposed that under a 
system of private tuition moral principles are necessarily 
neglected ; but what cannot be so obtained is the self- 
reliance on the one hand and the appreciation of others 
on the other, which is obtained by an education in a 
public college among their own fellows and equals, removed 
from the evil influences which might counteract the 
benefits they would otherwise receive. It is the object 
of this institution to secure this, and I look to you, one 
and all, by your example and your influence, to second 
our efforts, and take care that no groundless prejudice, 
no evil influence, or underhand advice, shall impede the 
success of this great experiment. 

I was particularly pleased. Colonel Anderson, with 
one point which you remarked upon in your address, and 
that was, that the lads who are to be educated here will 
receive a good physical as well as a soiuid mental training ; 
that it is not merely the head that is to be stored ; that 
it is not merely in acquiring knowledge that they will be 
placed in competition with their equals, but that, as a 
part of your designing, space is set apart for athletic 
sports and manly amusements. I should wish the youths 
trained here to take pleasure in feats of strength and 
activity, to ride well, to shoot well ; in fact to have the 
taste for manly pursuits which an English country gentle- 
man seldom fails to obtain at a public school. 

There is one particular point to which you alluded, 
Colonel Anderson, which I cannot pass over, and that is 
the obligation which the whole community of Kathiawad, 
and, as one having the interest of that community at 
heart, the obligation which I also feel, to the gentleman 
who has so zealously co-operated with you in the erection 
of this noble building. I am sure there is not a single 
chief here who, both now and hereafter, will not say that 
he is greatly indebted to Mr. Booth, for the care, the zeal, 
and the intelligence with which he has carried out the 
design which your predecessor, Colonel Keatinge, origi- 





nated, and which you now have so successfully completed. 
I have now the formal but agreeable duty to perform of 
declaring this College open; and in doing so, the first 
step is to commit the charge of this institution and building 
to the able Public Officer who presides over the education 
of this presidency. 

I now ask you, Mr. Peile, to take this institution 
under your fostering care, and to bestow upon it the same 
attention — ^the same zealous attention — which you devote 
to every part of the department which has been entrusted 
to you. It will be a great object, I think, that this 
institution should be opened at an early date. Of course 
it is impossible at this moment, under the circumstances 
that you, Colonel Anderson, have alluded to, absolutely 
to fix a day upon which the institution shall be opened, 
but I would suggest to you and Mr. Peile, that the chiefs 
should be given the earliest opportunity of availing them- 
selves of its advantages. I think that probably, after 
some consultation with you. Colonel Anderson, Mr. Peile 
will be able to say that the College shall be open for the 
reception of the inmates from the 1st of February next, and 
that will give the chiefs full time to mature their plans, and 
make the arrangements they may consider necessary. 
And now, having said this, it is only left for me publicly 
to declare that this, the Rajkumar College of Kathiawad, 
is from this day open. 

Under such auspices the Rajkumar College was declared 
open. Mr. Chester Macnaghten, a gentleman of great 
ability and high ideals, was selected for the post of Prin- 
cipal, and on February 1, a.d. 1871, the first term began. 
At first the numbers attending were small, and consisted 
of K.S. Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar, the first name on the 
books ; K.S. Harbhamji and K.S. Waghji of Morvi ; 
K.S. Jaswantsinhji and K.S. Wakhatsinhji of Limbdi ; 
K.S. Bawajiraj and K.S. Ladhubha of Rajkot ; K.S. 
Harisinhji of Bhavnagar ; K.S. Dajiraj of Wadhwan ; 
K.S. Mansinhji of Palitana ; and K.S. Samatkhanji and 
K.S. Anwar Khanji of Bantwa. But term by term the 









numbers increased, and what at first partook of the nature 
of an experiment became in a few years a very real factor 
in the advancement of the province. Before the College 
had been opened a year it was found necessary to enlarge 
it, and in a.b. 1873 the main building was supplemented 
by a wing on the North side of the quadrangle in accordance 
with the original design. 

Another very important institution was begun in 
A.D. 1873, when the Rajasthanik Court became established. 
It happened that no special provision had before been 
made, when jurisdictional powers of the chiefs had been 
determined, for hearing disputes concerning land between 
the chiefs and members of yoimger branches of their 
family who held land for maintenance, and other similar 
cases in which landed estates held on a semi-feudal tenure 
were involved. If such a case fell within the jm*isdiction 
of a chief, it was heard by him, and if beyond his jurisdiction 
it was heard by the Political Assistant (now since a.d. 
1902 Political Agent) in charge of the district concerned. 
It was not, however, the practice to interfere in cases 
which a chief was competent to hear by virtue of his 
jurisdictional powers. The result was that there was 
no right of appeal against a chief's decisions, but in 
A.D. 1867 it had been decided that the British Government 
should assist if necessary in enforcing the obligation 
which bound the chiefs to refrain from seizing land, and 
to give effect to this decision it was proposed to make 
some arrangement for the hearing of disputes of the nature 
referred to. Accordingly the Rajasthanik Court was 
established, consisting of a British officer as President, 
and six members chosen by Government out of a list 
submitted by the chiefs. Of these six members the 
President chose two to sit with him as assessors, and either 
party to a dispute had a right of objecting to one of the 

To the Bhayats and Girassias (as the holders of landed 





property under a chief are called) this measure proved a 
great boon, and for many years until it was abolished in 
A.D. 1890 the Rajasthanik Court worked with complete 

Outlaws still continued to make their presence felt 
in various parts in spite of the repressive measures resorted 
to, and though their depredations were not of a very 
serious nature, it became necessary to pursue the mis- 
guided men with vigour until they were either killed or 
captured. Accordingly in a.d. 1873 Lieutenant Humfrey 
was appointed with the consent and at the expense of 
the States to the command of a small body of mobile 
troops, ready to proceed with all speed in pursuit of any 
outlaws whose whereabouts became known. In the month 
of March Nathu Manik at the head of a gang emerged 
from Okhamandal, and plundered three Porbandar villages. 
They then attacked Gondal territory, and continued 
raiding as opportunities presented themselves. Finally 
in October the Nawanagar Police Superintendent, Popat 
Velji, with the force under him came upon the outlaws 
in a field in the vicinity of Kalianpur, in the Barda Hills. 
News was sent at once to Captains Wodehouse, Salmon, 
and Scott, who were encamped at Sodana, sixteen miles 
away, and these three officers hastened with all their 
available forces to render help to the Nawanagar men. 
They arrived at Kalianpur to find an attack had resulted 
in several losses on either side, and in the withdrawal of 
the outlaws slowly towards the village. The arrival of 
fresh forces completely cut off their retreat, and the 
hunted men were forced to take refuge in an old disused 
well. They were now given the opportunity of surren- 
dering quietly and of laying down their arms. After a 
certain amount of parleying, during which the outlaws 
were informed that any information they would give 
which might lead to the apprehension of the remainder of 
the gang would be taken into consideration at the trial, 


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they accepted the terms offered, and six men surrendered. 
Three of the gang were still at large, including the leader, 
Nathu Manik, and shortly afterwards two of them gave 
themselves up to Captain Jackson, Assistant Resident at 
Okhamandal, the third being killed by a charan about 
the same time. In recognition of his services the title 
of Rao Bahadur was conferred upon Mr. Popat Velji, and 
valuable gifts were presented to him by Government at a 
public Darbar held in March of the following year. 

H.H. Jam Vibhoji in a.d. 1873 began to coin gold 
koris at his mint in Nawanagar, but so many counter- 
feiters arose that it was found necessary very soon to 
discontinue the currency. In the previous year he had 
introduced moulds for the copper coinage, replacing the 
old method of cutting roughly and hammering the metal. 

In A.D. 1874 Mr. J. B. Peile became Political Agent in 
Kathiawad, and in the same year Sahebzada Bahadur 
Khanji, the heir-apparent of Jimagadh, having completed 
a two years' course at the Rajkumar College, went on a 
tour in India in charge of Colonel Lester. The heir- 
apparent of Bhavnagar, Kumar Takhatsinhji, left the 
College about the same time, and was placed under Captain 
H. L. Nutt for the purpose of continuing his studies 
privately. In a.d. 1875 Sir Philip Wodehouse, Governor 
of Bombay, paid a visit to Kathiawad, in the course of 
which he held a Darbar at Rajkot, and opened new Water- 
works at Nawanagar. 

On Monday, January 1, a.d. 1877, the Viceroy and 
Governor-General of India, Lord Lytton, held at Delhi 
an Imperial Assemblage for the purpose of proclaiming 
to the chiefs and peoples of India the assumption of the 
title of " Empress of India " by her Most Gracious Majesty, 
Queen Victoria. Chiefs from far and wide flocked to the 
ancient capital of the Moghals, and the province of 
Kathiawad was represented by H.H. the Nawab of Juna- 
gadh, H.H. the Jam of Nawanagar, H.H. the Thakor of 



Bhavnagar, and the Thakor of Morvi, on this historic and 
impressive occasion. H.H. the Raj of Dhrangadhra was 
also invited to attend, but on account of illness he was 
unable to do so. In commemoration of the event various 
honours were conferred, and a scale of salutes for chiefs 
was laid down. A salute of eleven guns was attached to 
the chiefship of all first-class States, and nine guns to 
that of all States of the second class, though in the latter 
case the salutes remained only personal to the chiefs 
concerned until a.d. 1879, when they were declared to 
be attached to the chiefship. As personal distinctions 
salutes of fifteen guns were accorded to H.H. Sir Mahabat 
Khanji, K.C.S.I., of Junagadh ; to H.H. Jam Vibhoji of 
Nawanagar ; to H.H. Rawal Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar ; 
and to H.H. Raj Mansinhji of Dharangadhra. A personal 
salute of eleven guns was also granted to Thakor Waghji 
of Morvi. Banners were presented to each of the rulers 
of the first class, including Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar, 
who had been degraded to the third class nearly eight 
years before, and H.H. Jam Vibhoji and H.H. Raj Man- 
sinhji had the Knight Commandership of the Star of 
India conferred upon each of them. The insignia of these 
honours was presented to the recipients by the Political 
Agent at a Darbar held at Rajkot on January 1, a.d. 1878, 
when Gawrishankar Udayashankar, Joint Administrator 
of Bhavnagar, was made a Companion of the same order. 
At the time of Colonel Walker's first entry into Kathia- 
wad the titles of the various chiefs differed considerably, 
and "Raja," "Rana," "Rawal," "Thakor," " Bhumia," 
and " Rawat " were variously used. The designation 
" Raja " was applicable to the head of a ruling family 
only, but a condition of its assumption was that the chief 
using it did not pay tribute to another of his family, and 
must be independent — ^the fact of tribute being paid to 
the Moghals or to the Marathas not affecting this condi- 
tion. The Nawab of Junagadh, being a Musalman, did 










: ! : 

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not adopt the titles generally used by the Hindu rulers 
of the peninsula, among whom the Jam of Nawanagar 
took precedence, and was addressed as " Maharaja Raja 
Shri." He did not rise from his seat when receiving a 
visit, and neither did he return a salute. Besides the 
Jam, the chiefs of Porbandar and Dhrangadhra were 
properly " Rajas " — ^the first named, however, using the 
title of " Rana " — while the chiefs of Bhavnagar, Morvi, 
Wadhwan, and Limbdi and others were recognized as 
Rajas by courtesy though their proper designation was 
"Thakor." The title " Rawal" is used by the Gohel 
chiefs of Bhavnagar, Sarangji Gohel, an ancestor of the 
family, having assumed it on receiving help from the 
Rawal of Champaner in recovering his possessions from 
his uncle Ramji in about a.d. 1420. 

" Thakors " were those chiefs who were not powerful 
enough to assume and use the title of " Raja " or who 
were the heads of distinct but inferior branches of a 
family. To the head of a family " Thakors " owed a 
feudal submission. 

The " Bhumias " — a designation now fallen entirely 
into disuse — were possessors of landed property of an 
inferior gradation, who subsequently became known as 
" Girassias." 

Finally " Rawat " was a title of honour signifying 
" valiant." It was hereditary and was generally bestowed 
by a Raja for some service rendered. All these titles were 
used by the Rajput chiefs only, the Kathis and Babrias 
using no particular designation to show their status. 

Sir Richard Temple, Governor of Bombay, came on 
a visit to Kathiawad in a.d. 1877 and held a Darbar at 
Bhavnagar, afterwards going to Nawanagar. Early in 
the year Mr. Percival had been succeeded by Major 
J. W. Watson as Joint Administrator of the Bhavnagar 
State, the minor Thakor Saheb being associated with him, 
and displacing Mr. Gawrishankar, C.S.I., who reverted 



! i 


I -ii 




to the post of Dewan. But Major Watson was himself 
succeeded in June of the same year by Colonel Parr, 
on being appointed President of the Rajasthanik Court. 
In the following year Colonel L. C. Barton became Political 
Agent in Kathiawad, and on May 5 the full powers of the 
administration of Bhavnagar were entrusted to Thakor 
Takhatsinhji, he having attained the age of twenty years. 
In the same year a joint administration was introduced 
into Gondal State during the minority of the minor chief, 
Bhagwatsinhji, and Major W. Scott and Mr. Jayashankar 
Lalshankar were appointed Joint Administrators. On 
January 1, a.d. 1879, Thakor Waghji was placed in sole 
charge of Morvi State, after having made a long tour in 
India under the charge of Captain Humfrey. In this 
year also the buildings of the. Rajkumar College were 
completed with the erection of the wing on the South side 
of the quadrangle, given by H.H. Thakor Takhatsinhji 
of Bhavnagar. 

One of the most well-known men in Kathiawad since 
the time of Dewan Amarji retired into private life in 
A.D. 1879, when Mr. Gawrishankar Udayashankar, C.S.I., 
resigned the Dewanship of Bhavnagar State. This official 
had spent nearly his whole life in the service of the State, 
earning by his patience, tact, and ability an enviable 
reputation as a model Minister. Bom in a.d. 1805 at 
Gogha of a poor and respectable Nagar Brahman family, 
he procured at the age of seventeen an appointment in 
the State, and in the following year was appointed Revenue 
Officer of Kiuidla, which soon became the scene of the 
depredations of the Khiunan Kathis. In these troublous 
times he administered his charge so well that it soon became 
apparent that his ability warranted more important work 
at the capital. With excellent judgment he smoothed 
over the period of ill-feeling between the State and the 
Government of Bombay, when the vexed question of the 
three disputed districts which finally ended in a.d. 1866 




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i. r 


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was in danger of becoming acute. Subsequently he 
played a prominent part in the administration of the 
State, when his excellent work called forth approbation 
from Government. Finally, as a reward for his labours 
he was made a Companion of the Most Exalted Order 
of the Star of India, and when he retired from service 
in A.D. 1879 he took with him the regret and goodwill of 
all. He continued to live a simple life in peace for twelve 
years longer, when he died universally mourned through- 
out the province, and known as Swami Satchidanand 

The Nagar Brahmans have long been distinguished in 
Kathiawad for their ability and shrewdness, and are to 
be found associated with the administration of nearly 
every important State. Their origin has never been satis- 
factorily determined, but it is generally supposed that 
they are of the same race as the Gujar Nagirs of the 
United Provinces. They came originally from Vadnagar 
in Gujarat, one of the oldest cities in that province, which 
tradition says was founded by the Solankis. When 
Visaldev Chohan founded Visalnagar in a.d. 1014, Vad- 
nagar Brahmans attended a sacrifice he performed. 
Visaldev asked them to receive alms from him, but they 
refused, though some of them accepted grants of land. 
For this the latter were outcasted, and became known 
as Visalnagar Nagars. Subsequently many of both sects 
migrated to SaiKashtra, and at once began to take promi- 
nent positions in the larger towns. Their fondness for 
power, aided by their astuteness and success in intrigue, 
kept them constantly striving to attain the highest places, 
and many members of their class reached positions of 
great importance. Before a.d. 1808 one section of them 
had acquired Vasawad from the Kathis, and from the 
time of Colonel Walker's settlement the Nagars of Vasawad 
have been recognized as tribute-paying talukdars. 

The class is now divided into two subdivisions — ^those 


.! i^:i 


who engage in secular pursuits being known as Nagars, 
and those whose calling is the performing of religious 
offices being known as Nagar Brahmans. Both eat 
together, but are very strict in their caste and religious 
observances, and will not eat with Brahmans of any 
other sect. 

Progress in Kathiawad now began to be marked 
through the construction of railways. In a.d. 1879 
Bhavnagar State imdertook the construction of a line 
from Bhavnagar to Wadhwan, and also, together with 
Gondal State, of another from Dhola to Dhoraji. Thus 
the province became connected by rail with Gujarat, and 
no longer was to lie, as it were, practically an inaccessible 
adjunct of India. The value of railways in the opening 
up and development of a country and its resomrces has 
never been more marked than in the case of Kathiawad. 
The old prosperity began again to return in greater 
proportion than ever before to the country so full of 
possibilities. Trade once more began to circulate and 
bring wealth to the rulers and people, whose present 
fortunate and prosperous condition is due mainly to the 
prompt adoption by the chiefs of the modern methods 
of communication and commercial enterprise afforded by 
the construction of railways throughout the peninsula. 





(a.d. 1880-1896) 

The Rajkumar College at Rajkot had proved such a 
successful undertaking that it was decided to open within 
the province a school conducted on similar lines for the 
education of sons of Girassias, the members of junior 
branches of the chiefs' families. Wadhwan was selected 
as a suitable place for the establishment of such a school, 
and with the least possible delay funds were collected 
and buildings commenced. Finally, ten years after the 
opening of the parent institution at Rajkot, the Talukdari 
Girassia School at Wadhwan was opened in a.d. 1881, 
proving in a very short time as great a success as the more 
important undertaking had been. The school has since 
performed a great work in diffusing education among those 
classes of holders of landed property who previously 
looked upon the acquiring of knowledge, except that of 
fighting, as an occupation scarcely worth even a thought. 
Although but thirty-three years have passed since the 
school was opened, evidence of the good work it has 
performed is manifest throughout the province. 

On May 24, a.d. 1881, the young Thakor Takhatsinhji 
of Bhavnagar was made a Knight Commander of the 
Most Exalted Order of the Star of India, and the following 
year Nawab Sir Mahabat Khanji of Junagadh died, being 
succeeded by his eldest son, Bahadur Khan. A small 
tribe known as Mayas now began to give trouble in 
Junagadh territories. These people, who hold land in 
twelve villages in the Junagadh State, had endeavoured 


r'\'^ir^Tf7fr- ■^TTi ■■" ■-- -"^ ■ 


in A.D. 1872 to attack the town of Junagadh with the 
idea of restoring the dynasty of the Chudasama Ras. In 
consequence of their turbulence they were then deprived 
of their arms, with the result that they went into outlawry 
and were with difficulty persuaded to return to their 
homes. Subsequently their holdings were demarcated 
and their rights defined, and they were ordered to pay a 
moderate assessment in lieu of military service, which 
they could no longer perform to the State. They refused 
positively to pay such assessment, and when their appeal 
to Government on the question suffered rejection they 
deserted their villages in December a.d. 1882, and 
taking up a position on a hill in neutral territory, defied 
all attempts at mediation. 

It was now feared that their example would be followed 
by other lawless or discontented tribes in the peninsula, 
and orders were given to disarm and capture them imless 
they dispersed quietly. The result was a fight in which 
both the Mayas and the police lost considerably. A 
Commission presided over by Mr. S. Hammick, I.C.S., 
was now appointed to inquire into the Maya grievances, 
which were chiefly of the nature of a list of complaints 
against the Junagadh State and its police. The disputes 
dragged on, and it was not until six years afterwards that 
a satisfactory conclusion was arrived at, and peace was 
finally restored on the basis of an exchange of land in lieu 
of the cash assessment. 

A Miana outlaw of Malia now began a series of robberies 
and excesses which made his name feared throughout the 
districts in which he moved and plundered. In the middle 
of A.D. 1883 a number of robberies were committed in 
the North and North- West of Kathiawad by a body of 
mounted men, whose leader was soon ascertained to be 
Movar Sandhwani of Malia, whose supposed participation 
in a mail robbery in a.d. 1879 had brought him into 
prominence on account of the large reward offered for 






his apprehension. He had since remained in hiding, but 
now considered himself sufficiently safe to continue his 
activities. Strong police measures were, on his identity 
being established, at once taken in hand to capture him, 
but all attempts proved useless on account of the sympathy 
with him or the fear of reprisals from him, on the part 
of the people of Malia, and also because of the inefficiency 
or corruption of the police. Want of co-operation by 
the people of Malia, Morvi, Nawanagar, and Dhrangadhra 
paralysed all attempts made to capture or crush the 
bandits, and as the efforts of the various States acting 
independently failed to check their depredations, it was 
decided that they should contribute in men and money 
to a scheme for raising a body of well-mounted men to 
be constantly in readiness to follow the outlaws whenever 
their whereabouts should become known. All these 
States, with one exception, furnished their quotas without 
objection, and the force so raised was placed luider 
Jamadar Umar of the Junagadh State Police. But the 
success hoped for of the plans devised failed to be realized, 
and Movar Sandhwani was not only not captured, but 
even made several daring raids. 

He succeeded in capturing on the road between 
Wawania and Malia one of the Malia officials engaged in 
the work of hunting him down, and taking him into a 
field, cut off his nose and lip, stole his horse and clothes, 
and left him to proceed home as best he could. This 
daring episode, which was the outcome of a coarse jest 
made by the unlucky official at the expense of the outlaw's 
wife, increased his reputation, and gained him a still 
larger meed of sympathy. Shortly afterwards he attempted 
to set Malia on fire, and shots being fired into the town 
at the same time, a party of mounted police hastened to 
the spot whence the shots came. The outlaws now fled, 
but were tracked as far as the Rann of Kachh, which 
they crossed during the dark. Next morning the pursuit 




was continued, and the tracks taken up on the North 
side of the Rann with such vigour that the poHce came 
upon five of the band and kept them under close observa- 
tion until the Kachh authorities could arrive to effect 
their capture. But the affair was bungled and two of 
the five succeeded in escaping. 

It was now considered desirable to send an infantry 
detachment to Malia to assist the police and to reassure 
the now thoroughly frightened inhabitants. The outlaw 
leader, with two permanent companions and several who 
joined him temporarily, was now harried with renewed 
vigour, and finally in March a.d. 1885 he surrendered to 
Captain Salmon and was taken to Rajkot jail, but not 
before several atrocious cases of robbery and mutilation 
attributed to him had been committed. He was tried 
by a Special Magistrate, Captain L. L. Fenton, who 
committed him to the Court of Session, where he escaped 
conviction for want of evidence. While this was much 
to be deplored, yet it afforded an excellent example of 
the justice of the Courts established under British rule 
in Kathiawad. After his lucky escape Movar Sandhwani 
was given a post in Nawanagar State, which fact doubtless 
kept him out of mischief and brought about his reforma- 

While Movar Sandhwani was continuing his depreda- 
tions in the North of the peninsula, troubles of a similar 
nature took place in Junagadh territory in the South, 
where the looting of eighty-one villages, and the murder of 
twenty-one persons and mutilation of ninety-eight others, 
brought into prominence a gang of Makranis who held the 
village of Inaj and claimed independence from the State. 
Much forbearance was shown them at first, but the refusal 
of the Makranis to allow the Junagadh police to investi- 
gate an offence of a serious nature committed by some 
Inaj villagers brought matters to a head, and the help of 
the Agency was sought by Junagadh in maintaining its 

241 Q 




! i! 

' H^ 

rights. A message was sent to the Makranis, warning 
them to submit to the jurisdiction of Junagadh, of which 
they took no notice and insulted the messenger. A strong 
force of sixty mounted and one hundred and fifty foot 
poHce was sent against the village with the object of over- 
awing the disturbers of the peace. Colonel Scott accom- 
panied this force, and on August 18, a.d. 1884, he called 
upon the twenty-five leading Makranis to lay down their 
arms and to submit to the authority of Junagadh. A 
promise of compliance was given, but next day at the 
time specified the promise was not fulfilled, and the 
Makranis instead opened fire upon the troops. After 
much delay the place was stormed with a loss to the 
defenders of six killed and three wounded, as against 
seven killed and fifteen wounded of the attacking force. 
Unfortunately six or seven of the Makranis succeeded in 
escaping, and formed the nucleus of a gang of outlaws 
which for a long time defied all attempts to break it up, 
and wandered about in the Gir Forest and its environs, 
looting and terrorizing the inhabitants of many villages. 

Major Humfrey was appointed to conduct operations 
against the outlaws, and in a short time Abubakar, one 
of the leaders, was killed, while three fled the country. 
There still remained, however, the three most dangerous 
members of the original Inaj band, and these were supple- 
mented by other bad characters whenever a village was 
to be attacked. The operations against the survivors 
were so rigorously conducted that in March a.d. 1887 
they endeavoured to make for their country, the Makran, 
by circuitous routes. One of them, Din Mahomed, was 
captured on arrival at Bombay, while a second, Kadar 
Bax, was arrested at Karachi after making a desperate 
resistance during which he killed one policeman and 
wounded another. The third desperado. Alidad, was 
traced to a village sixty miles distant from Karachi, where 
he was caught in the act of bargaining with a camel-man 



for his transit to Makran. He managed, however, to 
escape by night, but was followed up, and finally surren- 
dered when half dead with hunger. All were tried and 
executed for their crimes, and with their removal peace 
and security were once more established in Junagadh. 

In A.D. 1883 Colonel E. W. West became Political 
Agent in Kathiawad, and in the same year engagements 
were taken from the chiefs for the regulation of the 
manufacture of and trade in salt. The joint administra- 
tion of Gondal ceased on August 24, a.d. 1884, when 
the State was handed over to Thakor Bhagwatsinhji 
after he had been associated in the administration for 
some months with Colonel H. L. Nutt, and had undertaken 
a journey to Europe, visiting all the principal cities of 
that continent. The diary of his tour, " The Journal of 
a Visit to England in 1883," is of much interest as showing 
the impressions of the first of the Kathiawad chiefs to 
xmdertake the journey to England, which has since 
become a means of widening their horizon and of incul- 
cating the spirit of progress now everywhere evident. 
Thakor Waghji of Morvi visited England the same 
year. Shortly after assuming charge of his State, Thakor 
Bhagwatsinhji was nominated a Fellow of the University 
of Bombay. In a.d. 1886 he joined Edinburgh University 
with the object of obtaining medical qualifications, and 
in the following year the degree of LL.D. was conferred 
upon him by that University. 

On January 1, a.d. 1886, the honour of G.C.S.I. was 
conferred on Thakor Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar, and 
in the same year Colonel J. W. Watson succeeded Colonel 
West as the administrative head of the province. Shortly 
afterwards Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar was deposed on 
account of the maladministration of his State. It was 
now restored to its former position among those States 
of the first class, and Mr. F. S. P. Lely of the Indian Civil 
Service was appointed to be the Administrator. For 











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continued bad administration such a course was the 
only remedy to take, since it was unthinkable that the 
universal progress should be permitted to be hindered by 
bad conditions of rule existing in one portion of the 
peninsula, and the deposition of the ruler was in full 
accord with the policy of progress and co-operation 
steadfastly pursued by the Government of India. The 
year a.d. 1887 marked the Jubilee of Her Most Gracious 
Majesty Queen Victoria, Empress of India, and among 
the honours given to celebrate the occasion were those to 
Thakor Bhagwatsinhji of Gondal and Thakor Jaswant- 
sinhji of Limbdi, each of whom was made a Knight 
Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire. Thakor 
Waghji of Morvi was similarly honoured, and his State 
was raised from the second to the first class, Gondal State 
being treated in the same way. 

Railway construction now became universal. In a.d. 
1886 a line between Delia and Wankaner had been 
opened, and in December of the following year Lord 
Reay, Governor of Bombay, turned the first sod in the 
construction of a railway between Dhoraji and Porbandar, 
and of another from Jetalsar to Verawal. In a.d. 1888 
the latter section was opened for traffic, and next year 
the construction of the former and also of a line from 
Rajkot to Wankaner was completed, and both were 
declared open by Lord Reay. 

The year a.d. 1890 was made memorable by the visit 
to Kathiawad of Prince Albert Victor (Duke of Clarence). 
He first went to Bhavnagar, whence he proceeded to 
Pipawaw, where he laid the foundation-stone of the 
new harbour works. In coinineinoration of the occasion 
the port was re-named Port Albert Victor, and on the 
following day his Royal Highness went by sea to Verawal, 
and thence to the Gir Forest on a short lion-shooting 
expedition. He afterwards visited Junagadh, and on 
March 21 left Verawal for Bombay. This was the first 




occasion on which a Western Prince had set foot in the 
ancient land of Saurashtra. 

Scarcely less memorable was the spontaneous offer 
made by the rulers of Junagadh, Nawanagar, and Bhav- 
nagar in the same year to provide troops for Imperial 
defence in common with many other chiefs in other parts 
of the Indian Empire. It was towards the end of a.d. 
1888 that the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin, addressing a meeting 
of chiefs at Patiala, proposed that those who were anxious 
to contribute in some way towards Imperial defence 
should raise a portion of their armies to such a pitch of 
general efficiency as to make them fit to go into action 
side by side with Imperial troops. These troops were 
to be known as Imperial Service Troops, and were to be 
recruited and to be quartered in the States of the chiefs 
contributing. A few British officers, known as Inspecting 
Officers, were to be appointed to supervise training and 
equipment, and the whole cost of maintaining the troops 
was to be borne by the chiefs. As soon as this scheme 
became known, the chiefs of Junagadh, Nawanagar, and 
Bhavnagar in September a.d. 1890 offered to raise 
mounted corps of 100, 150, and 342 men respectively, and 
their offers were gratefully accepted. Captain A. W. 
Forbes was appointed in a.d. 1891 to be the first Inspecting 
Officer in Kathiawad, with headquarters at Rajkot, and 
the work of raising and training the troops was at once 
taken in hand. They have since made excellent progress, 
and were utilized in Imperial interests in a.d. 1899 during 
the South African War, when a number of men and horses 
from each State proceeded on active service. 

In a.d. 1890 Mr. E. C. K. OUivant was appointed 
Political Agent, and in November of the same year his 
Excellency Lord Harris, Governor of Bombay, invested 
H.H. Bahadur Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh, with the 
insignia of the G.C.I.E. at a Darbar held at Rajkot. The 
following year H.H. Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar 



! !' 


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received the title of " Maharaja " as a personal distinction 
at a Darbar held at his capital. 

The most serious disturbance of modern times in the 
Kathiawad peninsula took place in a.d. 1892, when after 
two years spent in daring robbery and violence, a band 
of outlaws was secured. The origin of the trouble took 
place in a.d. 1890, when a certain Mahomed Jan was 
arrested in connexion with a murder committed in Morvi, 
and sentenced. Unfortunately while on the way to 
Ahmadabad he succeeded in escaping from the custody 
of the police escort, and returned to Malia after spending 
some months in concealment. Joined by other Mianas, 
he took part in another murder in October a.d. 1891, 
after which the gang was augmented by several noted 
outlaws. These included Juma Gand, well known for 
his depredations in Kachh, a bad character from Dhrol 
named Habibmia, and Wala Namori, a Miana, who had 
been Movar Sandhwani's lieutenant some years previously. 
The whole gang crossed the Rann into Kachh territory, 
where they remained for a time and then emerged in 
December to commit a robbery in a Wankaner village, 
and afterwards in Baldhoi, under Lodhika. The object 
of the second attack, however, made a determined resis- 
tance in defence of his life and property, and in the fight 
which ensued Mahomed Jan was so seriously wounded that 
he died shortly afterwards. But the rest of the gang 
escaped, and were no more heard of until February 
A.D. 1892, when they looted the Muli village of Jasapur, 
injuring eleven persons and carrying off property of 
considerable value. 

An energetic pursuit of the outlaws was undertaken 
and they were eventually tracked to a ruined hill-fort 
near Than. But they learnt of the pursuit and escaped 
by night before a sufficient number of men to surround 
them and effect their capture could arrive from Rajkot. 
The pursuit, however, was taken up at once, and the 



fugitives were again tracked to the ruined Sayla village 
Valajal, where they took up a strong defensive position. 
The small body of mounted men which came upon them 
was unable to effect their capture, and before the armed 
foot police could arrive to take part in an attack upon 
them, the dacoits again escaped under cover of darkness. 
No less than three times subsequently they succeeded 
in escaping from justice, firstly at Chanchapur in Morvi 
State, and afterwards in the Gir Forest and at Babra, 
the reason being in each case the passive or active sympathy 
shown them by the people and inefficient methods on the 
part of the police. They then crossed the Rann, and in 
April A.D. 1892 for their next venture stole horses 
stationed at various parts along the road to be travelled 
by the Governor of Bombay, who was on a visit to the 
Rao of Kachh. This daring act necessitated their retm:n 
to Kathiawad, where they roamed closely pursued, and 
on November 20 Habibmia was surrounded in a field and 
surrendered to Mr. W. L. B. Souter, the Police Superin- 
tendent of Dhrangadhra State. The remainder of the 
gang were not heard of again for about a month, when 
they were discovered to be hiding near the village of 
Khakhrechi. A moimted party under the command of 
Lieutenant H, L. Gordon at once hastened to the spot, 
and followed the outlaws to the village of Karadia near 
Malia, where they entrenched themselves in a shallow 
watercourse, and hoisting their flag dared the attackers 
to come on. It was now getting dark, and as an exchange 
of shots did not appear to result in the discomfiture of 
the outlaws, Lieutenant Gordon decided to charge them. 
After first giving instructions not to stop if he or Jamadar 
Kalandar Shah Khan should fall, he set himself at the 
head of his men and rode for the dacoits' trench. But 
only three mounted men actually reached the trench 
with him, Jamadar Kalandar Shah Khan being on his 
right, and Dafedar Mahomed Shakir with Sowar Ram- 


I ; 



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i'^i :. 


chandar on his left. The remainder diverged from the 
very beginning of the attack and at the end of it were 
some twenty yards to the right. 

The guns of the outlaws were thus directed towards 
only four men, and Lieutenant Gordon on nearing the 
trench was shot dead, eleven wounds being found on his 
body afterwards. The Jamadar escaped miraculously, 
but the Dafedar shared the fate of his leader, while Sowar 
Ramchandar's horse was shot. After the charge, the 
survivors dismounted and began firing on the dacoits at 
close range, and after about fifteen minutes only four or 
five of the outlaws remained alive, and a rush made with 
swords ended the affair. 

The result of the encounter was the complete destruc- 
tion of the gang which had terrorized the Northern parts 
of the peninsula for two years. Wala Namori, with eleven 
other companions, was killed, and his reign of lawlessness 
was over. In commemoration of the affair, a tablet was 
erected in the Lang Library at Rajkot containing the 
following inscription : 

In honour of 


2nd Bombay Lancers 

Dafedar Mahomed Shakir 


Naik Haji Sajan 

of the Kathiawad Agency Police, who were killed at Karadia in Malia on 
the 19th December 1892 whilst gallantly charging a noted band of dacoits 
who were well armed and in a strong position. Their deed honours them 
more than any words can do, and this tablet is erected by all the chiefs 
and other friends in iiathiawad who deplore their loss. 

Naik Haji Sajan did not participate in the charge, but 
was in command of a small party detached behind the 
outlaws to cut off their retreat. 

A monument was erected on the site of the encounter, 
and Jamadar Kalandar Shah Khan was given the title of 





" Khan Saheb " and presented on November 10, a.d. 1893, 
at Rajkot with a sword of honour and a money reward 
for his gallantry on the occasion. A bardic eulogium on 
the acts and death of Wala Namori praises equally the 
outlaw and his vanquisher, and an excellent translation 
of the poem by Mr. Kincaid in " The Outlaws of Kathia- 
wad " rims as follows : 

Though the hatred of kings is unsleeping. 

Yet Morvi and Malia were one ; 
Though they hated they joined for the moment 

Till the days of Namori were done. 
His head never bowed to the mighty. 

As the wind, so his spirit was free, 
And he roamed from the Rann to the Bardas, 

And he robbed from Wadhwan to the sea. 
Had Mor and Namori united. 

Then the earth had been theirs for a prey. 
But the love of the lowly lasts always. 

And the love of the great for a day. 
Fate's orders, O Wala Namori, 

Are pitiless, ever the same. 
Or as stands out some fort on the Bhadar, 

So had towered thy castle of fame. 
Earth's kings must have kings for their rivals, . 

So lion-souled Gordon arose. 
Had Gordon not been, then Namori 

Had ruled from the line to the floes. 
From heaven the Apsaras hastened 

To wed with the brave who should fall. 
Young Gordon died first, so they bore him 

To wed with the fairest of all. 
When two Uons he prone in death grapple 

Their pride and their valour are one. 
Thus Gordon's fame sprang from Namori 

And Namori's from Gk)rdon was won. 

Early in a.d. 1892 H.H. Sir Bahadur Khanji of Juna- 
gadh died, without however leaving an heir, and without 
having exercised the privilege accorded him in common 
with other chiefs by Government of being permitted to 


il 'i , i 


I : V^\ 

}' • < 


■ /' '' .' 



adopt an heir in the event of there being none to succeed. 
The selection of a successor therefore lay with the Govern- 
ment of India, who nominated his brother, Rasul Khanji, 
to occupy the vacant gadi. The new Nawab was 
installed by Sir Charles OUivant at a public Darbar held 
at Junagadh in June of the same year. 

Education had by now made such strides throughout 
the province that it was considered the time had arrived 
when the more important States might with confidence 
be permitted to control their own educational arrange- 
ment, and in a.d. 1892 this control was handed over to 
them. The supervision of education in all other States 
remained in the hands of the Agency, an Educational 
Inspector being responsible for the welfare and progress 
of the department under his charge. The privilege 
extended to the first- and second-class chiefs has not 
been abused, and to-day education in their States has 
reached and maintained a very good standard. 

The first Rani of an Indian ruling chief to cross the 
ocean was that of Gondal, H.H. Nandkunvarba, Rani 
Saheb, C.I., who in a.d. 1890 went to England with 
H.H. Thakor Sir Bhagwatsinhji for the benefit of her 
health. While there. Sir Bhagwatsinhji prosecuted his 
studies of medicine at Edinburgh University, where he 
took the degrees of M.B., CM., and subsequently M.D., 
and became in a.d. 1895 a Fellow of the Royal College of 
Physicians. The University of Oxford conferred upon 
him the honorary degree of D.C.L. in a.d. 1892 and two 
years later he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, 
and sat as Honorary President of the Eighth International 
Congress of Hygiene at Buda Pesth. In a.d. 1893 H.H. 
Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar was also honoured by an 
English University when the honorary degree of LL.D. 
was conferred upon him at Cambridge ; and in the next 
year Jadeja Ranjitsinhji, afterwards Jam of Nawanagar, 
obtained the degree of Bachelor of Arts after studying at 


? »-y^-,^jg.^^irsj 






'■ •-! « 




the same University, whence he had proceeded from the 
Rajkumar College at Rajkot. 

Still another Miana outlaw attained an mienviable 
reputation in a.d. 1894, when Juma Gand, a Kachh 
subject, sought to acquire fame similar to that of Wala 
Namori, but perished ingloriously in the attempt. His 
first robbery with violence had been committed as far 
back as a.d. 1888, when he stole a musket from a Malia 
policeman and wounded him with a knife while doing so. 
He was subsequently captured, but escaped from the 
Rajkot jail. However, he was again taken, and after 
undergoing six months' rigorous imprisonment took to 
looting whenever and wherever possible in Kathiawad 
and beyond the Rann. Finally on April 10, a.d. 1894, 
Mr. Souter, who was pursuing him, was informed that 
six armed Mianas were concealed in a " tank " near 
Dhrumath in Dhrangadhra State. With all haste a small 
party of mounted police covered the distance of fifteen 
miles which separated them from their quarry, and arrived 
in the neighbourhood of the " tank " just before midday. 
The outlaws took up a position similar to that chosen by 
Wala Namori, and in imitation of that bandit flew a red 
flag above it. 

From a glance it was evident that the gang were well 
defended, and that they could not be captured by a 
mounted force. The police therefore dismounted and 
took up positions which gave them the best possible view 
of the outlaw's stronghold. On seeing them, the gang 
opened fire, which was returned and continued for about 
a quarter of an hour. Mr. Souter then determined to 
make a rush, and before doing so he changed his helmet 
for a sowar's turban, which ruse greatly bewildered Juma 
Gand, who for the purpose of acquiring fame had deter- 
mined to kill the English leader, whom he was now unable 
to recognize. Mr. Souter led his men with skill, and 
despite a desperate resistance on the part of the outlaws 



and the fact that they were completely sheltered by the 
sides of the pit in which they had entrenched themselves, 
the police reached the position with the loss of but four 
men killed and two wounded. All the outlaws were 
accounted for, and the killed included Juma Gand and 
six other desperadoes. For their gallantry Mr. Souter 
and the force which he commanded were made the 
recipients of handsome rewards. 

Lord Harris, G.C.I.E., Governor of Bombay, visited 
Kathiawad in a.d. 1893, when he declared open at Gondal 
the railway from Rajkot to Jetalsar, and also turned the 
first sod of the line which was to run between Rajkot and 
Nawanagar, which latter place is now more generally 
known as Jamnagar. In April of the following year 
H.H. Sir Vibhoji of Jamnagar died, and was succeeded 
by his son Jaswatsinhji, during whose minority an Admini- 
strator, Major W. P. Kennedy, was appointed to rule 
the State and to safeguard the young chief's interests. 
H.H. Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar died in a.d. 1896, 
and was succeeded by his son, Bhavsinhji, the present 
ruler of the State. Less than a month after this sad 
event occurred another no less grievous loss, when Mr. 
Chester Macnaghten, the first and universally loved 
Principal of the Rajkumar College, died at Rajkot. His 
loss at a comparatively early age was very real, for his 
conspicuous ability contributed perhaps more than any 
other one factor to the enlightenment and progress which 
to-day characterise those ruling chiefs who at the early 
stages of their lives came under his fostering care. In 
the same year Thakor Mansinhji of Palitana was appointed 
a Knight Commander of the Most Exalted Order of the 
Star of India, and Captain W. J. Peyton, C.M.G., relieved 
Captain Forbes as Inspecting Officer of the Imperial 
Service Troops within the province. 





(a.d. 1897-1915) 

The year a.d. 1897 marked the Diamond Jubilee of Her 
Most Gracious Majesty Victoria, Queen and Empress, on 
which occasion Thakors Sir Bhagwatsinhji of Gondal and 
Sir Waghji of Morvi were each made the recipients of the 
insignia of the G.C.I.E. at the hands of her Majesty in 
England. In celebration of the Jubilee, Darbars were 
held on June 21 at various centres throughout the penin- 
sula. Colonel J. M. Hunter, C.S.I., was now appointed 
Political Agent, and towards the end of the year H.E. 
Lord Sandhurst, G.C.I.E., paid a visit to Kathiawad. 
While at Rajkot he performed the opening ceremony of 
the Rasul Khanji Hospital for Women, which had been 
generously built for the good of the province by the 
Nawab of Junagadh. He afterwards went to Junagadh, 
and thence to Wadhwan, where on December 3 he cut 
the first sod in the construction of the railway to Dhran- 
gadhra, which was opened in the following year. Lord 
Sandhurst paid a second visit to Rajkot in a.d. 1898, 
when he opened the Bhavsinhji Hall of the Rajkumar 
College, and unveiled a statue of Mr. Chester Macnaghten, 
the late Principal, before the College entrance. 

It was in a.d. 1899 that rules regulating the sale of 
opium were finally sanctioned by the Government of 
India and communicated to the States. The first agree- 
ment made relating to the cultivation and sale of the 
drug had been in a.d. 1820, but it was found that the 
engagement was not adequately fulfilled, and in a.d. 1878 



fresh rules for the protection of Imperial interests were 
drawn up. This measure led to a claim by the States to 
be allowed to cultivate and manufacture opium for 
consumption, and a controversy arose upon the point. 
Two years later the Government of India ruled that the 
British Government had always exercised the right of 
levying opium duty, and that the prohibition as regards 
its cultivation was also of long standing, and the rules 
promulgated in a.d. 1881 finally settled the question. 
In this year also the Rajasthanik Court was abolished, 
as it was considered that all cases which were brought 
before it for decision could be equally well disposed of in 
the Courts of the States concerned. Appeals against the 
decisions of these Courts were to be made to the Agency, 
and parties still dissatisfied were to have the right of 
appeal to the Government of Bombay. The abolition 
of the Rajasthanik Court was indicative of the improved 
relations existing between chiefs and their subject land- 
holders, and of the progress in efficiency of the State 

The most disastrous famine of modern times was 
brought about in a.d. 1899 by the failure of the rains. 
It soon became evident that distress was imminent, and 
as only six inches of rain fell, wells quickly began to 
dry up, and the cattle suffered severely through failure of 
the grass crop. 

Every attempt was made by irrigation to make the 
cold- weather crops of some use, but the yield, even after 
the most strenuous exertions, fell far short of the average, 
and death from starvation stared nearly the whole of the 
cultivating classes in the face. Before the middle of 
January a.d. 1900 less than half the cattle in the province 
remained alive. A regular system of relief works was 
opened everywhere, and wells were dug as rapidly as 
possible in the hopes of finding sufficient water even for 
drinking purposes. In Dhrangadhra over fifteen hundred 



were dug, and in Junagadh twenty-one works were opened 
which brought relief to thousands who would otherwise 
have starved. So far as possible those unable to work 
were lodged in poorhouses situated all over the peninsula, 
and the excellent arrangements made everywhere to meet 
the unexpected and unprecedented disaster were the 
means of saving the greater part of the population from 
extinction. As an example of the public spirit and charity 
prevailing may be taken the case of a Bombay merchant 
named Adamji Pirbhoy, a native of Dhoraji, who while 
the famine lasted fed and clothed thousands of people 
daily, besides maintaining at Dhoraji a poorhouse and 
dispensary for the relief of the sufferers. 

Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar died in April a.d. 1900, 
and was succeeded by his grandson Bhavsinhji later in 
the year, when the British administration ceased and the 
first-class powers restored at its commencement were 
continued under certain conditions. Sir Mansinhji of 
Dhrangadhra died also in November, and on December 3 
his grandson Ajitsinhji was installed on the gadi by 
Colonel W. P. Kennedy, who succeeded Colonel Hunter 
as Political Agent. 

The Viceroy and Governor-General of India, Lord 
Curzon of Kedleston, P.C, G.M.S.I., G.C.I.E., C.B., visited 
Kathiawad in November a.d. 1900. Landing at Verawal, 
he was an interested visitor to the temple of Somnath, 
and afterwards proceeded to Junagadh, where he opened 
the Arts College and Technical Institution. A magnificent 
Darbar was afterwards held at Rajkot, which all the 
chiefs and leading men in the province attended. In 
the following year the Governor of Bombay, Lord North- 
cote, unveiled at Morvi a statue of Lord Reay, a former 
Governor, and afterwards visited Gondal, Junagadh, and 
Bhavnagar. Captain J. Talbot relieved Captain Peyton 
as Inspecting Officer of the Imperial Service Troops the 
same year, 






The designation of the senior representative of Govern- 
ment in the peninsula was changed in a.d. 1902 from 
" PoHtical Agent " to " Agent to the Governor in Kathia- 
wad." Previous to a.d. 1863 the province had been 
divided into ten separate divisions. Jhalawad in the 
North consisted of about fifty States, which originally- 
included Viramgam, Mandal, and Dhandhuka. To its 
West lay Machhu Kantha, made up of Morvi and Malia. 
Halar embraced the North- West portion, and adjoining it 
were Okhamandal and Barda or Jetwad, better known as 
Porbandar. Sorath included Junagadh, Bantwa, and 
Amrapur, though the sea-coast from Mangrol to Diu was 
also known as Nagher. Kathiawad occupied the centre 
of the province, and was made up of Jetpur, Chital, 
Amreli, Jasdan, Chotila, Anandpur, and many smaller 
districts. Babriawad was the hilly tract of country lying 
to the South-East, while Und-Sarveya extended along the 
Shetrunji River. Finally, Gohelwad comprised the States 
of Bhavnagar, Palitana, Wala, Lathi, and the district 
round Gogha, and also formerly included the old division 
of Walak. 

But these ten divisions were found to be too cumber- 
some for administrative purposes, and the peninsula was 
re-divided into Jhalawad, Halar, Sorath, and Gohelwad. 
The Assistant Political Officers to the Agent to the Governor 
over each of these four divisions, or " Prants " as they 
were called, became designated in a.d. 1902 as Political 
Agents, with headquarters at Wadhwan, Rajkot, Jetalsar, 
and Songadh respectively. Manekwada, near Bagasra, 
was exchanged in a.d. 1886 for Jetalsar by an agreement 
made with Gondal, in which State Jetalsar lies. 

The areas of the four Prants differ considerably. 
Halar, the largest, consists of nearly 7500 square miles, 
of which nearly half is Nawanagar State. It includes, 
besides, Morvi and Gondal and the second-class States of 
Wankaner, Dhrol, and Rajkot. Sorath extends over 






considerably more than five thousand square miles of 
country, of which more than three thousand square miles 
is Junagadh territory, Porbandar being the most important 
State after it. Bhavnagar takes up more than half of the 
4200 square miles comprising Gohelwad, Palitana being 
the State of next importance in the Prant. Jhalawad is 
of nearly equal size with Gohelwad, and Dhrangadhra, 
Limbdi, and Wadhwan are its three largest States. 

As the States differ in size and importance, the powers 
of their chiefs differ also. These powers are arranged in 
seven classes. Chiefs of the first- and second-class States 
can exercise civil jurisdiction to any extent, while those 
of the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth classes may only 
entertain suits in their courts the values of which are 
below Rs.20,000, Rs.10,000, Rs.5000, and Rs.500 respec- 
tively. Chiefs of the seventh class have no civil Juris- 

In criminal matters first-class chiefs may try for capital 
offences any person except a British subject, while second- 
class chiefs may try only their own subjects. The powers 
of a third-class State extend to the infliction of seven 
years' rigorous imprisonment, and fine amounting to 
Rs.10,000. In fourth- and fifth-class States only three 
and two years' imprisonment, with fines of Rs.5000 and 
Rs.2000 respectively, may be given to offenders, while 
in States of the sixth class only three months' rigorous 
imprisonment can be given, while a fine may not exceed 
Rs.200. The powers of a seventh-class chief are still less, 
for they are limited to the infliction of rigorous imprison- 
ment for fifteen days and of fines of Rs.25. 

Besides the jiurisdictional chiefs there are a number of 
petty rulers whose non- jurisdictional States are grouped 
into Thana circles, the control of which is vested in the 
Political Agents, who are represented in these circles by 
subordinate officers known as Thanadars. Many of the 
States over which jurisdiction is thus exercised are 

257 B 



! :■■)■ 


' ii'' 


extremely small, and in a great many cases the incomes 
their owners derive from them are too small to provide 
maintenance. Altogether in the province there are 188 
States, Talukas and Estates of greater or lesser importance, 
of which 13 pay no tribute, 105 pay tribute to the British 
Government, 79 to the Gaekwad of Baroda, and 134 to 
the Nawab of Junagadh. 

The last disturbance of any importance within the 
province occurred in a.d. 1903, when a gang of seven or 
eight Mianas under Maya Punja began looting in the 
neighbourhood of Songadh, and then robbed a mail con- 
veyance on the road from Ranpur to Dhandhuka. These 
Mianas were some of a party of thirteen who, having 
been convicted for dacoity with murder, and sentenced 
to long terms of imprisonment, had succeeded in escaping 
from Petlad jail in September a.d. 1902 and in possessing 
themselves of the arms and uniforms of the police guards. 
On June 13, a.d. 1903, a shepherd came upon the gang, 
who were hiding in a stream near Gokharwala in the 
confines of the Chuda State. He at once informed the 
Chuda Kamdar, who wired to Wadhwan for assistance 
and took steps to surround the gang with as many armed 
men as he could collect. Finding they were the objects 
of observation, the outlaws abandoned their position in 
the stream and moved a short distance away from it to 
an old fiUed-in well, where they scooped out shallow pits 
to conceal themselves as much as possible, and, hoisting a 
red flag, invited the Chuda men to attack them. 

Fire was opened upon them, which was continued 
desultorily until evening, when the Agency police arrived 
from Wadhwan under Chief Constable Mahobatsingh 
Haribhai. The ground all round the outlaws' position 
afforded no cover, and the Chief Constable despatched 
mounted men to bring cotton bales behind which the 
police might advance, and avoid thereby considerable loss 
of life. Three bales were procured, and on their arrival 






the police advanced behind them, rolling them along from 
two directions until they were within twenty-five yards 
from the outlaws' position. At the beginning of this 
advance one policeman raised himself to look over his 
bale, and was shot in the neck. It was now decided to 
make a rush, and springing from behind their bales, both 
police parties advanced simultaneously. One policeman 
was killed in this charge, but in the fighting five Mianas 
were almost immediately despatched. The leader, Maya 
Punja, with another of the gang, succeeded in running 
away, but they were pursued and caught. Maya Punja 
was killed as he showed fight, but the other man quietly 
surrendered. The whole of the gang was thus accounted 
for, with a loss to the attackers of two men killed and 
seven wounded. 

For their services on this occasion, Chief Constable 
Mahobatsingh and the Kamdar of Chuda, Mr. Umia- 
shankar, were granted the title of " Rao Saheb," while 
the police officer was also the recipient of a sword of 
honour along with the Superintendent and three men of 
the Chuda police. Dafedar Kamrudin Hidayat Ali was 
admitted to the third class of the Indian Order of Merit 
for his services, and many other police, and people of 
Chuda who gave assistance, received money rewards. 

The Imperial Darbar held at Delhi on January 1, 
A.D. 1903, by his Excellency the Viceroy and Governor- 
General of India, for the purpose of proclaiming the 
Coronation of his Most Gracious Majesty King Edward VII, 
Emperor of India, was attended by H.H. Nawab Sir Rasul 
Khanji of Junagadh, H.H. Thakor Bhavsinhji of Bhav- 
nagar, H.H. Rana Bhavsinhji of Porbandar, H.H. Thakor 
Sir Waghji of Morvi, H.H. Thakor Sir Bhagwatsinhji of 
Gondal, Thakor Mansinhji of Palitana, and Thakor Sir 
Jaswatsinhji of Limbdi, each of whom received a gold 
medal and two silver medals each for their Sardars. In 
Kathiawad Darbars were held at Rajkot, Dhrangadhra, 



Dhrol, and Wadhwan, and festivities and rejoicings were 
universal throughout the province. During the year, 
Mr. Waddington, Principal of the Rajkumar College, left 
to become the Principal of the Mayo College at Ajmer, and 
was succeeded at Rajkot by Mr. C. J. W. Mayne. 

The British administration of Nawanagar came to 
an end in March a.d. 1903, when the young Jam, H.H. 
Jaswatsinhji, was seated on the gadi of his ancestors 
by Mr. H. O. Quin, who was acting as Agent to the 
Governor. Lord Lamington, G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., Governor 
of Bombay, made a short tour in Kathiawad in March 
A.D. 1905. He first of all performed at Wadhwan the 
opening ceremony of the metre-gauge railway connecting 
that place with Rajkot, a conversion from the broad gauge 
having been effected and the railways in the peninsula 
thus regularized. On March 4 he presented the Insignia 
of the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India in a public 
Darbar to H.H. Thakor Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar, who 
had been honoured with that order of knighthood the 
previous year. He then went to Jiuiagadh, there to 
participate in a lion-shoot in the Gir Forest. On March 9, 
however, an incident occurred which put an end to His 
Excellency's torn*. The shooting arrangements had been 
entrusted to Major H. G. Camegy, Political Agent of 
Halar, who was himself a keen sportsman. A lion having 
been woimded. Major Carnegy determined to follow it up, 
but in the thick jungle he was himself surprised by his 
quarry and killed after a brief struggle. His death was 
universally regretted, and his funeral next day at Rajkot 
was largely attended. 

In November of the same year their Royal Highnesses 
the Prince and Princess of Wales visited India, and many 
chiefs from Kathiawad went to Bombay to receive them. 
The Mounted Squadron of boys at the Rajkumar College 
had also the honour of forming part of their mounted 
escort, and remained in Bombay for some days for the 





purpose. In a.d. 1906 Lord Lamington again visited 
Kathiawad and completed the tour which had been so 
unfortunately interrupted the previous year. Mr. P. S. V. 
FitzGerald, C.S.I., followed Colonel Kennedy as Agent to 
the Governor this year, which was marked by the death 
of H.H. Jaswatsinhji, the youthful Jam of Nawanagar. 
He left no heir, and his cousin, Ranjitsinhji, who had before 
the birth of Jam Jaswatsinhji been adopted with the idea 
of succeeding to the gadi, was selected to be Jam, 
being installed by the Agent to the Governor on March 7, 
A.D. 1907. Six months afterwards he started on a pro- 
longed visit to England, returning to India in January 
A.D. 1909. 

A personal salute of fifteen guns was accorded to 
H.H. Rasul Khanji of Junagadh in a.d. 1907, and in 
the following year Mr. C. H. A. Hill, C.S.I., C.I.E., became 
Agent to the Governor in Kathiawad. Towards the end 
of A.D. 1908 Rana Bhavsinhji of Porbandar died, and 
his heir, Natwarsinhji, being a minor, a joint administra- 
tion was appointed to guard his interests in Porbandar 
until he could succeed. The first Administrators appointed 
were Wala Vajsur Valera, a Kathi shareholder of Bagasra, 
and Rao Bahadur A. S. Tambe, who afterwards gave 
place to Mr. Kalianrai Jetha Bakshi. In November 
A.D. 1908 his Excellency Lord Kitchener, Commander-in- 
Chief of the Indian Forces, visited Verawal and Junagadh. 

H.H. Raj Saheb Ajitsinhji of Dhrangadhra was 
honoured by being made a K.C.S.I. in A.D. 1909, when 
H.H. Sir Rasul Khanji of Junagadh was advanced in the 
same order of knighthood. The title of " Maharaja " was 
also granted to H.H. Sir Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar as a 
personal distinction. 

Captain H. C. Kay, 8th Cavalry, succeeded Captain 
F. Adams as Inspecting Officer of the Imperial Service 
Troops in a.d. 1910, after the latter had held the appoint- 
ment for four years, and the same year Sir George Clarke, 





Governor of Bombay (afterwards Lord Sydenham) made 
an extensive tour in the peninsula. In the course of the 
tour he visited Nawanagar, where he turned the first 
sod in the construction of the railway to Dwarka, and 
laid the foundation-stone of the new harbour works. On 
January 24 he visited Gondal, and at Bhavnagar on 
January 27 he inaugurated the construction of a railway 
from Sihor to Palitana, presenting also at a Darbar the 
Sanad of " Maharaja " to H.H. Sir Bhavsinhji. He 
visited Junagadh, where he declared open the Shapur- 
Bantwa Railway, and laid the foundation-stone of a 

The year a.d. 1911 witnesses the death of two of the 
most prominent chiefs in Kathiawad. H.H. Sir Ajitsinhji 
of Dhrangadhra died in February, and H.H. Sir Rasul 
Khanji of Junagadh died in the following November. 
The former was succeeded by his son, Ghanshyamsinhji, 
while an administration under Mr. H. D. Rendall, of the 
Indian Civil Service, was placed in Junagadh during the 
minority of the minor chief, Mahabat Khanji, who became 
Nawab. His Most Gracious Majesty King George V, 
Emperor of India, accompanied by Her Majesty Queen 
Mary, visited India in a.d. 1911, and for the Imperial 
Darbar held at Delhi on December 12 and its attendant 
functions several Kathiawad chiefs received invitations. 
These included H.H. Ranjitsinhji of Nawanagar, H.H. 
Sir Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar, H.H. Ghanshyamsinhji of 
Dhrangadhra, H.H. Sir Waghji of Morvi, H.H. Sir Bhag- 
watsinhji of Gondal, Raj Saheb Amarsinhji of Wankaner, 
Thakor Saheb Daulatsinhji of Limbdi, and Thakor Saheb 
Karansinhji of Lakhtar. Darbars were held at each of 
the Prant headquarters within the province, and in all 
the principal towns, while proclamations were made in 
nearly every village. The honours given on the occasion 
included a Knight Commandership of the Most Eminent 
Order of the Indian Empire to Raj Saheb Amarsinhji of 





Wankaner, the Companionship of the same Order to 
Wala Shri Laxman Meram, chief of the third class of 
Thana-DevH, and the C.S.I, to Thakor Karansinhji of 
Lakhtar, while H.H. Nandkimvarba, Rani Saheb of Sir 
Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar, was appointed C.I. Subse- 
quently also Rao Bahadur Vithalrai Himatram Dave, 
Daftardar to the Agent to the Governor, received the 
Imperial Service Order for long and meritorious service 
to Government. 

In A.D. 1912 a railway from Junagadh to Bilkha was 
opened by Mr. J. Sladen, who had been appointed Agent 
to the Governor in succession to Mr. Hill shortly before 
on the latter's appointment to a seat on the Council of 
H.E. the Governor of Bombay. Riots of a serious nature 
occurred in Porbandar in December a.d. 1912, when a 
quarrel involving a slight loss of life arose between the 
Mahomedan community and the Hindu fishermen, known 
as Kharwas. A force of Agency Police was despatched 
as soon as possible from Jetalsar to assist the local autho- 
rities, and on their arrival peace was restored. The 
valuable stone quarries of Ranawaw, near Porbandar, 
had lately been found to afford excellent material for the 
making of cement, with the result that a company was 
formed, and on February 9, a.d. 1913, Lord Sydenham, 
Governor of Bombay, landed at Porbandar for the purpose 
of laying the foundation-stone of the Porbandar Cement 
Factory at the request of the Indian Cement Company. 
This being completed, he went by sea to Verawal and 
thence to Junagadh, where he performed the opening 
ceremony of the " Coronation Memorial Hospital for 
Women and Children." Shortly afterwards the minor 
Nawab Saheb of Junagadh, H.H. Mahabat Khanji, pro- 
ceeded to England for educational purposes under the 
charge of Mr. W. Tudor-Owen, his guardian, in company 
with Bahadursinhji, the minor Thakor of Palitana. 

In the following July the riots at Porbandar were 




W -':. 

repeated, and a large body of Agency Police was again 
required to proceed to the place to restore order. Several 
persons were killed or injured before their arrival, but 
no serious outbreak occurred afterwards and the high 
feeling which existed between the two communities 
gradually died down. In consequence of the two occur- 
rences, the joint administration ceased, and Major F. de B. 
Hancock was appointed sole Administrator. 

Later in the year a disastrous flood at Palitana caused 
great loss of life and destruction of property. A relief 
fund for alleviating the distress which ensued was imme- 
diately opened, and steps to repair the damage were at 
once taken by Major H. S. Strong, the officer administering 
the State during the minority of the chief. In this year, 
too. Major G. B. M. Sarel, 11th King Edward's Own 
Lancers, succeeded Captain Kay as Inspecting Officer of 
the Imperial Service Troops. 

And this brings us to the present year, a.d. 1915, the 
events of which are almost too recent to be called history. 
On the outbreak of the great war in August, a.d. 1914, 
the Kathiawad chiefs without exception proved their 
loyalty by placing the whole of the resources of their 
States at the disposal of the King-Emperor, while sub- 
sequently H. H. Jam Ranjitsinhji of Nawanagar and Raj 
Saheb Sir Amarsinhji of Wankaner themselves proceeded on 
active service to France. This is indicative of the spirit 
which now pervades the ancient land of Saurashtra. 
Chiefs and people are united in a common cause, that of 
progress and development under the fostering care of the 
paramount Power. The British Government and the 
chiefs work together in a mutual endeavour to increase the 
prosperity of the people, and the keynote of the British 
policy, so well responded to by all classes within the 
peninsula, is that of mutual co-operation. 

It seems but a short time since the Maratha armies 
devastated the land year after year in an endeavour to 



\e at 

iT of 




it of 
; the 

r to 

.1. slaim:\. ksc».. lA.s. 

Ai;t'nt Ui till' Govt'iMior in Kailii;i\v;ul. I'll-' 














collect as much wealth as possible. Not theirs the task 
of advancing the interests and prosperity of the country 
which owed them suzerainty, nor yet did the Mahomedans 
for so many centuries before them attempt in any way 
not impregnated with self-interest to increase the welfare 
of their subject peoples. Throughout its history Sau- 
rashtra has been torn and devastated by invasion and 
discord, and to find any resemblance to the happy condi- 
tions of the present day it is necessary to go back to the 
times of Asoka Maurya, the great Indian Emperor, whose 
thoughts were always turned towards the well-being of 
the peoples over whom he ruled. The cycle of history 
has again been turned, and it is only left to hope it will 
now become permanently stationary. 

Even within the last fifty years the advances along the 
lines of modem civilization have been so numerous and 
so diverse that it must indeed be hard for the people to 
realize conditions under which present-day advantages 
did not exist. A regular service of coasting steamers 
now promotes trade between Kathiawad ports and all 
parts of Asia and Africa. The Persian Gulf with its 
many mercantile entrepots is continually visited by ships 
from Jamnagar, Porbandar, Mangrol, and many other 
ports, which carry goods from Saurashtra and return 
laden with the produce of Persia and other countries. 
No less remarkable is the development within the province. 
Among capable and energetic rulers the Maharaja, H.H. 
Sir Bhavsinhji, of Bhavnagar ranks high, and worthily 
follows in the footsteps of his great ancestor, Wakhatsinhji 
Gohel. His State is a model of efficiency and good 
administration, and has been the subject of many enco- 
miums of late years. No less excellently managed is 
Gondal State, which has progressed almost beyond recog- 
nition under the fatherly care of its ruler, Thakor Sir 
Bhagwatsinhji. Its public buildings are numerous and 
costly, and the Girassia College at the capital, opened in 





A.D. 1898, is a monument to his Highness's efforts in the 
cause of education. The principal object in the estabhsh- 
ment of the College was to rescue a useful and important 
class from the thraldom of ignorance, and to assist in 
removing the impression prevalent throughout the province 
that the interests of the chiefs and their Girassias always 
ran counter to each other. 

H.H. Sir Waghji of Morvi has spared no efforts and 
expense in improving the conditions of his people, and 
H.H. Jam Ranjitsinhji of Nawanagar is a ruler equally 
as well known in England as in India. Dhrangadhra 
State under its young ruler, H.H. Ghanshyamsinhji, is 
continuing steadily in the path of progress. Of the second- 
class States Wankaner, under its ruler Sir Amarsinhji, is 
the largest and most important, and after it come Palitana, 
Dhrol, Limbdi, Rajkot, and Wadhwan. 

And now the past has been recounted and the present 
discussed. The future is scarcely the work of the his- 
torian and must be left to evolve itself. Let us go forward, 
chiefs and people alike, in full confidence of what the 
years will bring, and with the firm conviction that Sau- 
rashtra will never again experience the times of turmoil 
and continued invasion which so frequently assailed the 
peninsula throughout the long period of time which 
separated the great Asoka from the present era of pros- 

Think in this battered caravanserai 
Whose doorways are alternate night and day. 
How Sultan after Sultan with his pomp 
Abode his hour or two and went his way. 

Omab Khayyam. 







fc in 





i, is 












i ! i 

t i 

t m 







Ala-ud-din Khilji, 
Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1295-1315. 

Mahomed Taghlak, 
Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1325-1351. 

Firoz Taghlak, 
Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1351-1388. 

A.D. 1297. Alaf Khan. 
A.D. 1318. Ain-ul-Mulk. 
A.D. 1320. Taj-ul-Mulk. 

Malik Mukbil. 

Khwaja Jahan. 
A.D. 1338. Malik Mukbil. 
A.D. 1347. Moiz-ud-din. 
A.D. 1351. Nizam-ul-Mulk. 

A.D. 1371. Zufar Khan. 

A.D. 1373. Darya Khan, who governed by 
his deputy Shams-ud-din An- 
war Khan. 

A.D. 1376. Shams-ud-din Damghani. 

A.D. 1376. Farhat-ul-Mulk. 

A.D, 1391. Zufar Khan, who assumed inde- 
pendence, and in a.d. 1403 
threw off all allegiance to the 
Emperor of Delhi, in a.d. 1407 
being crowned Sultan of Gu- 
jarat as Muzafar Shah I. 


!i IS 

f I" 


11 t 



Muzafar Shah I 

Assiuned independence in a.i>. 1391 

and openly threw off his allegiance to 

Delhi in a.d. 1403 

Tatar Khan 
Did not rule 

Ahmad Shah I 
A J). 1411 



Mahomed Karim Shah I 
A.D. 1441 

A.D. 1451 

Daod Shah 
A.D. 1459 

Mahomed Shah Begarah 
A.D. 1459 

Muzafar Shah II 
A.D. 1513 


Latif Khan 

(1) SikandarShah 
A.D. 1526 

Mahomed Khan III 

A.D. 1536 

died A.D. 1554 

Muzafar Shah III 

A.D. 1560 

died A.D. 1592 

Driven out by the 

Moghal Emperor 

Akbar of Delhi 

(2) Nasir Khan 
Mahomed II 
A.D. 1526 

(3) Bahadur Shah 
A.D. 1526 
Killed at Diu 

Ahmad Shah II, a descendant of Ahmad, 
A.D. 1554, by election on the death of Mahomed 
Khan III. Assassinated a.d. 1560 










A.D. 1573. 

Mirza Aziz. 

Emperor of Delhi. 

A.D. 1575. 

Mirza Khan. 

A.D. 1573-1605. 

A.D. 1577. 

Shah ab-ud-din. 

A.D. 1583. 

Itimad Khan. 

A.D. 1583. 

Mirza Khan (Khan Khanan) 

A.D. 1587. 

Ismail Kuli Khan. 

A.D. 1588. 

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash. 

A.D. 1592. 

Sultan Murad Baksh. 

A.D. 1600. 

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash. 



A.D. 1606, 

Kalij Khan. 

Emperor of Delhi. 

A.D. 1606. 

Sayad Murtaza. 

A.D. 1605-1627. 

A.D. 1609. 

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash. 

A.D. 1611. 

Abdulla Khan Firoz Jang. 

A.D. 1616. 

Mukarab Khan. 

IT Shah 

A.D. 1616. 

Sultan Shah Jehan. 


A.D. 1622. 

Sultan Dawar Baksh. 


A.D. 1624. 

Saif Khan. 

Shah Jehan, 

A.D. 1627. 

Sher Khan Tur. 


Emperor of Delhi. 

A.D. 1632. 

Islam Khan. 


A.D. 1627-1658. 

A.D. 1632. 

Bakar Khan. 

A.D. 1633. 

Sipahdar Khan. 

A.D. 1633. 

Saif Khan. 

A.D. 1635. 

Azam Khan. 

A.D. 1642. 

Isa Tar Khan. 

A.D. 1644. 

Sultan Mahomed Aurangzeb 

A.D. 1646. 

Shaistah Khan. 



i 1 
II ■' 





+ !> 



Emperor of Delhi. 
' A.D. 1658-1707. 

Bahadur Shah I, 
Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1707-1712. 

Jahandar Shah, 
Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1712-1713. 


Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1713-1719. 


A.D. 1648. Sultan Mahomed Dara. 
A.D. 1652. Shaistah Khan. 
A.D. 1654. Sultan Murad Baksh. 
A.D. 1657. Kasam Khan. 

A.D. 1659. Shah Nawaz Khan Sagavi. 

A.D. 1659. Rathod Jaswantsinhji. 

A.D. 1662. Mahabat Khan. 

A.D. 1668. Khan Jahan. 

A.D. 1671. Maharaja Jaswantsinhji. 

A.D. 1674. Mahomed Amin Khan. 

A.D. 1683. Mukhtar Khan. 

A.D. 1684. Shujat Khan (Kartalab Khan). 

A.D. 1703. Sultan Mahomed. 

A.D. 1705. Ibrahim Khan. 

A.D. 1705. Sultan Mahomed Bedar Bakht. 

A.D. 1706. Ibrahim Khan. 

A.D. 1708. Ghazi-ud-din. 
A.D. 1710. Amanat Khan (or Shahamat 
Khan), Deputy Viceroy. 

A.D. 1712. Asif-ud-daulah. 

A.D. 1713. Shahamat Khan. 
A.D. 1714. Daod Khan Panni. 
A.D. 1715. Maharaja Ajitsinhji. 
A.D. 1716. Khan Dauran Nasrat Jang Baha- 

Rafia-ud-darjat, a.d. 1719. Maharaja Ajitsinhji. 

Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1719. 

Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1720. 




Mahomed Shah, 

A.D. 1721. 

Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1721-1748. 

A.D. 1722. 
A.D. 1722. 
A.D. 1723. 
A.D. 1730. 
A.D. 1733. 

A.D. 1737. 
A.D. 1737. 
A.D. 1738. 
A.D. 1743. 
A.D. 1743. 


A.D. 1743. 
A.D. 1744. 


Ahmad Shah, 

A.D. 1748. 


Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1748-1754. 

Alamgir II, 

Emperor of Delhi. 
A.D. 1754-1759. 

Haidar Kuli Khan. 


Hamed Khan (deputy Viceroy). 

Sar Buland Khan. 

Maharaja Abhesinhji. 

Ratansinha Bhandari (deputy 

Momin Khan. 
Maharaja Abhesinhji. 
Momin Khan. 

Fida-ud-din (deputy Viceroy). 
Abdul Aziz Khan, by a forged 

Muftahkir Khan. 
( Jawan Mard Khan Babi, deputy 


Maharaja Wakhatsinhji, who 
was the last Viceroy appointed 
by the Imperial Court. 






A.D. 1472. Tatar Khan. 

Mirza Khalil, afterwards Sultan Muzafar Shah II of 

Mahk Aiaz, died a.d. 1521. 
A.D. 1556. Tatar Khan Ghori. 
A.D. 1573 {circ). Amin Khan Ghori. 
A.D. 1589 (circ). Daulat Khan Ghori. 
A.D. 1592. Navrang Khan. 

Sayad Kasim. 
A.D. 1633. Isa Tar Khan, until a.d. 1642, when he became Viceroy 

of Gujarat. 
A.D. 1642. Inayat Ullah, son of Isa Tar Khan. 
A.D. 1653. Kutab-ud-din. 
A.D. 1665. Sardar Khan. 
A.D. 1670. Sayad Diler Khan. 
A.D. 1685. Sayad Mahomed Khad. 

Shah Wardi Khan. 
A.D. 1685. Sher Afghan Khan. 
A.D. 1699 {circ). Mahomed Beg Khan. 
A.D. 1704. Sarandaz Idan. 
A.D. 1714. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji, who ruled by his deputy 

Kayat Fatehsinhji. 
A.D. 1714. Abdul Hamid Khan. 
A.D. 1715. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji ; (Kayat Fatehsinhji, 

A.D. 1715. Roza Kuli Khan. 
A.D. 1719. Abdul Hamed Khan. 
A.D. 1721. Asad Kuli Khan (Amir-ul-Umrao) ; (Mahomed Sharif 

Khan, deputy). 
A.D. 1721. Asad Ali Khan. 




A.D. 1728. 

A.D. 1728. 

A.D. 1728. 

A.D. 1733. 

A.D. 1735. 

A.D. 1735. 

A.D. 1737. 


A.D. 1738. 

A.D. 1738. 



Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi, 

Ghulam Mahya-ud-din Khan ; (Mir Ismail, deputy). 
Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi, 

Burhan-ul-Mulk ; (Sohrab Khan, deputy). 
Sadak Ali (deputy Governor). 
Mohsan Khan Khalwi. 

Mir Hazabar Ali Khan ; (Mamu Khan, deputy). 
Sher Khan Babi. 
Himat Ali Khan ; (Sher Khan Babi, deputy). Sher 

Khan Babi declared his independence, and in a.d. 1748 

formally assumed the title of Nawab of Jimagadh. 


I i 






A.D. 1472. Tatar Khan. 

Mirza Khalil, afterwards Sultan Muzafar Shah II of 

MaUk Aiaz, died a.d. 1521. 
A.D. 1556. Tatar Khan Ghori. 
A.D. 1573 (arc). Amin Khan Ghori. 
A.D. 1589 {circ). Daulat Khan Ghori. 
A.D. 1592. Navrang Khan. 

Sayad Kasim. 
A.D. 1633. Isa Tar Khan, until a.d. 1642, when he became Viceroy 

of Gujarat. 
A.D. 1642. Inayat UUah, son of Isa Tar Khan. 
A.D. 1653. Kutab-ud-din. 
A.D. 1665. Sardar Khan. 
A.D. 1670. Sayad Diler Khan. 
A.D. 1685. Sayad Mahomed Khad. 

Shah Wardi Khan. 
A.D. 1685. Sher Afghan Khan. 
A.D. 1699 (circ). Mahomed Beg Khan. 
A.D. 1704. Sarandaz Khan. 
A.D. 1714. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji, who ruled by his deputy 

Kayat Fatehsinhji. 
A.D. 1714. Abdul Hamid Khan. 
A.D. 1715. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji ; (Kayat Fatehsinhji, 

A.D. 1715. Roza Kuli Khan. 
A.D. 1719. Abdul Hamed Khan. 
A.D. 1721. Asad Kuli Khan (Amir-ul-Umrao) ; (Mahomed Sharif 

Khan, deputy). 
A.D. 1721. Asad Ali Khan. 



A.D. 1728. Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi, 

A.D. 1728. Ghulam Mahya-ud-din Khan ; (Mir Ismail, deputy). 
A.D. 1728. Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi, 

A.D. 1733. Burhan-ul-Mulk ; (Sohrab Khan, deputy). 
A.D. 1735. Sadak Ali (deputy Governor). 
A.D. 1735. Mohsan IQian Khalwi. 

A.D. 1737. Mir Hazabar Ali Khan ; (Mamu Khan, deputy). 
A.D. 1738. Sher Khan Babi. 
A.D. 1738. Himat Ali Khan ; (Sher Khan Babi, deputy). Sher 

Khan Babi declared his independence, and in a.d. 1748 

formally assumed the title of Nawab of Junagadh. 




Bahadur Khan Babi 
A.D. 1630-1654 

Sher Klian, Thanadar of Chunwal 
A.D. 1654^1690 


Mubariz Khan 

Muzafar Khan 

Jaf ar Khan 

(or Safdar Khan) 

Deputy Governor 

of Godhra 

A.D. 1690-1725 

Shahbaz Elian 


Salabat Mahomed Khan 

A.D. 1725-1730 
Governor of Viramgam 

Khan Jahan 
(Jawan Mard Khan) 

of Radhanpur 

A.D. 1716 

killed A.r>. 1729 Mahomed Bahaiim- (Sher Khan) 

A.D. 1730-1758 

Nawab Mahabat Khan I 
A.D. 1758-1775 

Nawab Hamed Khan I 

A.D. 1775-1811 

Mahomed Sher 

Nawab Hamed 

Khan II 
A.D. 1840-1851 

Nawab Bahadur Kban I 
A.D. 1811-1840 

Nawab Sir Mahabat Khan II, 


A.D. 1851-1882 

Sher Khan 

Nawab Su- Bahadiu: 

Khan II, G.C.I.E. 

A.D. 1882-1892 

Nawab Su- Rasul Klian, 

G.C.S.I., born 1858 

A.D. 1892-1911 


bom 1867 

I I 

Sherjuman Khan Nawab Mahabat Khan III 
died A.D. 1911- 



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All accounts of the Jethwa genealogy differ greatly and variously. 
Colonel Watson records that in one account, 1048 regular descents 
are shown, and in another, 178 ! So many additions have appa- 
rently been made by Bards that it is impossible to determine 
what is genuine and what is not. The son of Hanuman, Makardh- 
waja, is supposed to have been the first Jethwa, and the tribe 
probably entered Saurashtra about the year a.d. 1000. The 
relationship from Rana to Rana cannot be ascertained, and so it 
is impossible to construct a " tree " until after the beginning of 
the sixteenth century. 


A.D. 1120. 


A.D. 1150. 


A.D. 1155. 


A.D. 1170. 


A.D. 1172. 


A.D. 1179. 


A.D. 1190. 


A.D. 1193, 


A.D. 1220. 


A.D. 1245. 


A.D. 1270. 


A.D. 1291. 


A.D. 1302. 


A.D. 1307, 

during whose time the Jethwas were 
expelled from Morvi. 

during whose reign in a.d. 1313 
Ghumli was overthrown by Jade j a 
Bamanioji. Ranpur now became 
the Jethwa capital. 


Jasdhulji, a.d. 1860 
Ranoji, a.d. 1392 
Sanghji, a.d. 1420 
Bhanji, a.d. 1461 
Ranoji, a d. 1492 

Khimoji, nephew of Ranoji, a.d. 1525 

Ramdeji, a.d. 1550-1574 

Bhanji, a.d. 1674 

Khimori, a.d. 1574-1626 Bhojrajji of Morana 
who founded Chhaya 

Jethiji of Rojhan 

Vikmatji, a.d. 1626-1671 Karandji of Pandavadar 
Sultanji, a.d, 1671-1699 

A.D. 1699-1709 

Sagramji of 

Hajoji of 

Knmbhoji of 

Khimoji, a.d. 1709-1728 

Vikmatji, a.d. 1728-1757 Jijibhai of Kindarkeda 

A.D. 1757-1804, who removed his capital to Porbandar in 
A.D. 1785. Deposed. Died a.d. 1813 


A.D. 1804-1812 

Adabhai of 

Wajesmhji of 

Abhesinhji of 

Prathiraj (or Khimoji) 
A.D. 1813-1831 

Vikmatji (or Bhojrajji) 
A.D. 1831-1886, when he was deposed 
Died A.D. 1900 

Ramsinhji of 

Died A.D. 1869 


Pratapsmhji of Adatiana 

d.s.p. 1873 

Bhavsinhji, a.d. 1900-1908 

Natwarsinhji, a.d. 1908- 

Hamirsinhji of 










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Political Agents in Kathiawad. (The designation was changed 
in A.D. 1902 to " Agent to the Governor of Bombay in Kathiawad.") 

Captain R. Bamewall . 
D. A. Blane, Esquire . 
J. P. Willoughby, Esquire 
J. Erskine, Esquire 

D. A. Blane, Esquire 
A. Malet, Esquire 
Colonel W. Lang 
Captain J. T. Ban 
Colonel R. H. Keatinge, V.C. 
Colonel W. W. Anderson 
S. B. Peile, Esquire 
Colonel L. C. Barton . 
Colonel E. W. West . 
Colonel J. W. Watson . 

E. C. K. OUivant, Esquire, CLE. 
(afterwards Sir Charles OUivant, 
Jv.v/.X.Jii.) .... 

Lieut. -Colonel J. M. Hunter, C.S.I. 
Lieut.-Colonel W. P. Kennedy 
P. S. V. FitzGerald, Esquire, C.S.I. 
C. H. A. ffiU, Esquire, C.S.I., CLE. 
J. Sladen, Esquire 

A.D. 1820-1826 
A.D. 1828-1831 
A.D. 1831-1835 
A.D. 1836-1839 
A.D. 1840-1841 
A.D. 1842-1845 
A.D. 1845-1859 
A.D. 1859-1862 
A.D. 186a-1867 
A.D. 1867-1874 
A.D. 1874-1878 
A.D. 1878-1883 
A.D. 1883-1885 
A.D. 1886-1889 

A.D. 1890-1895 
A.D. 1896-1901 
A.D. 1901-1906 
A.D. 1906-1908 
A.D. 1908-1912 
A.D. 1912 

Principals of the Rajkumar College : 

Chester Macnaghten, Esquire 
C W. Waddington, Esquire . 
C J. W. Mayne, Esquire 


A.D. 1871-1896 
A.D. 1896-1903 
A.D. 1903 


Judicial Assistants to the Agent to the Governor : 

C. A. Kincaid, Esquire 
H. D. Randall, Esquire 
G. D. French, Esquire 
L. Graham, Esquire . 

A.D. 1902 
A.D. 1906 

A.D. 1911 
A.D. 1914 

Inspecting Officers, Imperial Service Troops : 
Captain A. W. Forbes . . . a.d. 1890 

Captain W. J. Peyton, C.M.G 
Captain J. Talbot 
Captain F. Adams . 
Captain H. C. Kay 
Major G. B. M. Sarel . 

A.D. 1896 
A.D. 1900 
A.D. 1905 
A.D. 1910 
A.D. 1913 




A.D. 1902 

Halar : 

C. C. Watson, Esquire . 
J. E. B. Hotson, Esquire 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Major F. W. Wodehouse 
Major H. G. Camegy . 
Captain W. Beale 
Captain H. W. Berthon 
Captain F. de B. Hancock 
Major W. M. P. Wood . 
Major C. F. Harold 

Sorath : 

Captain J. R. B. G. Carter 
Captain W. Beale 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Major H. G. Camegy . 
O. Rothfeld, Esquire . 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Captain W. M. P. Wood 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
R. G. Gordon, Esquire 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Major J. K. Condon 
Major H. W. Berthon 
Major J. R. B. G. Carter 
Lieut. H. Wilberforce-Bell 
Major T. A. F. R. Oldfield 


. A.D. 1902 

. A.D. 1903 

. A.D. 1908 

. A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1905 

. A.D. 1905 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1908 

. A.D. 1912 

. A.D. 1918 

. A.D. 1902 

. A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1905 

. A.D. 1905 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1909 

. A.D. 1909 

. A.D. 1912 

. A.D. 1914 



Judicial Assistants to the Agent to the Governor : 

C. A. Kineaid, Esquire 
H. D. Rendall, Esquire 
G. D. French, Esquire 
L. Graham, Esquire . 

A.D. 1902 
A.D. 1906 
A.D. 1911 
A.D. 1914 

Inspecting Officers, Imperial Service Troops : 
Captain A. W. Forbes . . . a.d. 1890 

Captain W. J. Peyton, C.M.G 
Captain J. Talbot 
Captain F. Adams , 
Captain H. C. Kay 
Major G. B. M. Sarel . 

A.D. 1896 
A.D. 1900 
A.D. 1905 
A.D. 1910 
A.D. 1913 




A.D. 1902 

Halar : 

C. C. Watson, Esquire . 
J. E. B. Hotson, Esquire 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Major F. W. Wodehouse 
Major H. G. Camegy . 
Captain W. Beale 
Captain H. W. Berthon 
Captain F. de B. Hancock 
Major W. M. P. Wood . 
Major C. F. Harold 

Sorath : 

Captain J. R. B. G. Carter 
Captain W. Beale 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Major H. G. Camegy . 
O. Rothfeld, Esquire . 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Captain W. M. P. Wood 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
R. G. Gordon, Esquire 
F. W. Allison, Esquire 
Major J. K. Condon 
Major H. W. Berthon 
Major J. R. B. G. Carter 
Lieut. H. Wilberforce-Bell 
Major T. A. F. R. Oldfield 


A.D. 1902 

A.D. 1908 

A.D. 1908 

A.D. 1904 

A.D. 1905 

A.D. 1905 

A.D. 1907 

A.D. 1908 

A.D. 1912 

A.D. 1918 

. A.D. 1902 

A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1904 

A.D. 1904 

. A.D. 1904 

A.D. 1904 

A.D. 1905 

A.D. 1905 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1907 

. A.D. 1909 

. A.D. 1909 

A.D. 1912 

. A.D. 1914 



Jahlawad : 

Major H. D. Merewether 

A.D. 1902 

Captain W. Beale 

A.D. 1903 

Colonel J. S. Ashby 

A.D. 1903 

Major H. D. Merewether 

A.D. 1903 

Captain W. Beale 

A.D. 1904 

Lieut. -Colonel J. Davies 

A.D. 1905 

Major F. W. Wodehouse 

A.D. 1906 

Major N. S. CoghiU . 

A.D. 1908 

Major W. M. P. Wood . 

A.D. 1911 

Major C. F. Harold 

A.D. 1912 

Lieut. -Colonel J. R. B. G. Carter . 

A.D. 1913 

W. C. Tudor-Owen, Esquire 

A.D. 1914 

\'( I 



Gohelwad : 

(This Prant was abolished between January 
ber 1904 a.d.) 

O. Rothfeld, Esquire . 
W. C. Tudor-Owen, Esquire 
Captain H. W. Berthon 
Major F. W. Wodehouse 
Major W. Beale . 
Major H. W. Berthon . 
Major H. S. Strong 
Lieut. -Colonel J. Davies 
Major H. S. Strong 
Captain A. S. Meek 
W. P. Cowie, Esquire 


1903 and Decem- 

A.D. 1904 
A.D. 1905 
A.D. 1905 
A.D. 1906 
A.D. 1907 
A.D. 1908 
A.D. 1909 
A.D. 1910 
A.D. 1911 
A.D. 1912 
A.D. 1914 




First Class : 

1. Junagadh 

2. Nawanagar . 

3. Bhavnagar . 

4. Porbandar 

5. Dhrangadhra 

6. Morvi . 

7. Gondal. 

Second Class : 

1. Wankaner 

2. Palitana 

3. Dhrol . 

4. Limbdi 

5. Rajkot . 

6. Wadhwan 

Third Class : 

1. Lakhtar 

2. Sayla . 

3. Chuda . 

4. Wala . 

5. Jasdan . 

6. Manavadar 

7. Thana Devli 

8. Wadia . 

H.H. Mahabat Khanji (minor), Nawab of 

H.H. Ranjitsinhji, Jam Saheb of 

H.H. Sir Bhavsinhji, K.C.S.I., Maharaja of 

H.H. Natwarsinhji, Rana of 

H.H. Ghanshyamsinhji, Raj Saheb of 

H.H. Sir Waghji, G.C.I.E., Thakor 

Saheb of 
H.H. Sir Bhagwatsinhji, G.C.I.E., LL.D., 

M.D., Thakor Saheb of 

Raj Saheb Sir Amarsinhji, K.C.I.E., of 
Thakor Saheb (minor), Bahadursinhji of 
Thakor Saheb Daulatsinhji of 
Thakor Saheb Daulatsinhji of 
Thakor Saheb Lakhaji Raj of 
Thakor Saheb Jaswatsinhji of 

Thakor Saheb Karansinhji, C.S.L, of 
Thakor Saheb Wakhatsinhji, C.S.I., of 
Thakor Saheb Jorawarsinhji of 
Thakor Saheb Wakhatsinhji of 
Khachar Shri Vajsur Odha, Chief of 
Khan Shri Fatehdin Khanji, Chief of 
Wala Shri Laxman Meram, CLE., Chief of 
Wala Shri Bava Jivna, Chief of 



1 i 

A.D. 1535-1548, AND FROM a.d. 1900-1914 

A.D. 1535. Manuel Caetano de Sousa, Captain. 

A.D. 1538. Antonio da Silveira e Menezes, Captain. 

A.D. 1542. Manuel de Sousa de Sepulveda, Captain. 

A.D. 1546. Dom Joao de Mascarenhas, Captain. 

* * * * * 

A.D. 1900. Joao Herculano Rodrigues de Moura, Captain, Royal 

A.D. 1907, Carlos d' Almeida Pessanha, Captain of Cavalry. 
A.D. 1908, Joao de Freitas Branco, Major of Infantry. 
A.D. 1911. Augusto de Paiva Bobela Mota, Lieutenant, National 

A.D. 1912. Raul Femandes Correa do Amaral, Lieutenant, 

National Fleet. 





The following works have been consulted by the author, for the 
valuable aid acquired through reading all of which he desires to 
express his humble acknowledgments : 


The Early History of India," by Vincent Smith. 

Indian Chronology," by Miss Duff. 

Albinmi's India." 

Indian Antiquities " (vol. xv). 

Journals of the Royal Asiatic Society," 1890, 1899. 

Saurashtra no Itihas," by Bhagwanlal Sampatram. 

Archaeological Survey of Western India," vol. ii (Burgess). 

Tarikh-i-Sorath," by Dewan Ranchodji Amarji. 

The History of Gujarat," by Sir Edward Bayley. 

Gazetteers " of Kathiawad States, by Colonel J. W. Watson. 

Forty Years of the Rajkumar College," by H.H. Sir Bhav- 

sinhji, K.C.S.I., Maharaja of Bhavnagar. 

The Outlaws of Kathiawar," by C. A. Kincaid, C.V.O. 

The Ras Mala," by Kinloch Forbes, I.C.S. 

The Author offers his thanks to the Junagadh andDhrangadhra 
States for photographs, and to Bhavnagar State for photographs 
and the reproductions from the frescoes at Sihor, given for inclusion 
in this work. To the India Office, also, for permission to publish the 
map of Kathiawad, the Author's acknowledgments are due. 

The photograph of Diu and the list of Portugese Governors have 
been supplied by the courtesy of the Consul-(Jeneral for Portugal 
at Bombay, and of His Excellency the Governor of Diu. 



Ir «;i 





: ; 




I ill 




Abda, Jam, 67 

Abdul Hamid Khan, 122 

Abdul Rahaman Al Marri, 41 

Abdur Rahman Krori, 120 

Abhesinhji, Fouzdar of Sorath, 122 

" Abhir," 53 

Abhyesinhji, son of Chandrasinhji, 113 

Abhyesinhji, son of Bajoji Jhala, 113 

Abpura Hills, outlaws of the, 215-16 

Abu Sheluksr, 154 

Abubakar, outlaw, 242 

Achhuba, Rani, 196, 198 

Adamji Pirbhoy, 255 

Adams, Captain F., 261 

Aden, 92, 100 

Adil Khan Babi, 143 

Adri, village of, 138, 139 

Agatrai, village of, 160 

Agnihotra, 45 

Agra, 96 

Ahers tribe, the, 48, 53, 58-59 

" Ahiriya " people, the, 53 

Ahmad Khan (Ahmad Shah II), 103 

Ahmad Shah, 75, 76, 78, 80, 103 

Ahmadabad, 75, 76 ; rule of Mahomed 
Begarah, 82, 85, 86, 88 ; conquest by 
the Emperor of Delhi, 103-4 ; capture 
by the Marathas, 104, 131-32 ; attack 
by Muzafar Shah, 106 ; Jehangir's 
dislike to. Ill ; Sadul Khasia imprisoned 
at, 209 

Ajatasatru, King of Magadh, 10, 30 

Aji River, 3 

Ajitsinhji of Marwar, 122 

Ajitsinhji, Sir, of Dhrangadhra, 255, 261, 

Ajitsinhji Rathod of Jodhpur, 119 

Ajmer, 61, 260 

Ajoji, son of Jam Satarsal, 108, 109 

Ajoji, son of Rajodharji JThala, 87-88 

Akbar, Emperor, toleration of, 76 ; re- 
duction of Sorath, 104-7 ; death. 111 

Akherajji Gohel, 116, 137-8, 140-41; 
refusal of Talaja, 138, 166 

Akherajji, grandson of Wagesinhji, 212 

Al Biruni, description of Somnath, 59-60, 

Al Mansur, Khalif, 40 
Ala Khuman, sons of, 108-70 

Alaf Khan, Saurashtra plundered by, 71 

Alamgir II, Emperor, attack on the 
Marathas, 131-32 

Ala-ud-din Khilji, 71 

Albert Victor, Port, 244 

Albuquerque, Alfonso da, expeditions to 
India, 91-93 

Alexander the Great, invasion of India by, 
8-10, 67-68 

Ali Khan Ataji, 159 

Alidad, outlaw, 242-43 

Alikasudara, 20 

Aliya Hathi of Malia, 159 

Almeida, Dom Francisca da, 92 

Amarji, Dewan of Junagadh, career of, 
133-41 ; retirement and conquest of 
Sutrapada, 142 ; conquest of Positra, 
142-43, 150 ; defeat of Jiwaji Shamraj, 
144-45 ; defence of BethaU, 145 ; 
death of, 146-48 ; the Bethali affair, 
150 ; sons of, 156 ; his relatives im- 
prisoned, 157-58 ; villages given to 
family of, 184 ; Dewanship made here- 
ditary in his family, 194 

Amarsinhji Jhala, appeal to the British, 

Amarsinhji of Wankaner, in France, 262-64, 

Amarsinhji, son of Chandrasinhji, 112, 113, 

Amba, 198 

Ambaldi, village of, 207 

Amin Khan Ghori of Junagadh, 105-108 

Amin Saheb, 156, 162 

Amran, 125, 157, 197 

Amrapur, 256 

Amrat, Rao of Baroda, 144 

Amreli, 144-45, 198, 199, 256 ; captured 
by Ranchodji, 164 ; raided by Kathis, 
185 ; headquarters of the Gaekwad, 
188, 192-93, 198, 207 ; the negotiations 
at, 191-92 ; British assistant to Resident 
appointed, 216 
Amru bin Jamal, 40 

Anand Rao, Gaekwad of Baroda, 176 
Anandpur, 151, 256 
Anangpal, Ki^g-of-Delhi, 50 
Anantji Amarchand, Dewan of Junagadh, 

' 295 

ii ; 


; 1 

h ', 

) M 


Anarta, 6, lO, 25, 26 

Anderson, Colonel, political agent, 214, 217, 
222, 229 ; speech of, 224-27 

Andhra, 29 

Angas, ruling of the, 19 

Anhilwad, Chaoras of, 56-57 ; incursion 
of Mahmad, 61 ; the gateway taken by 
Khenear II, 65, 68-69 ; decline of the 
SolanMs, 70 ; plundered by Jalesari, 71 

Animal life, sparing of, under the edicts 
of Asoka, 13-14, 18 

Ankleshwar, 121 

Antahana, 20 

Antiochus, 14 

Anup-Nivrit, 25 

Anwar Khanji of Bantwa, 229 

Aparanta, 25 

Arabian Sea, 1, 2 

Arabs, invasion of India by, 40-41 ; 
rebellion in Junagadh, siege of the 
Uparkot, 136 ; in the Barda Hills, 
145-46 ; revolt against the Nawab, 
158-61 ; revolt of the Kandoma Arabs, 
196-97 ; revolt in Mahuva, 211 

Arambhara, 85 

Arhat Atharya, the, 42 

Arthila, sacked by Mandlik III, 79-80 

Askaranji, son of Chandrasinhji, 112-13, 

Asoka, Emperor, reign of, 9, 11-12, 24 ; 
death of, 21, 29 ; Indian affairs after 
his death, 29 ; pillars to Buddha erected 
by, 41 

Asoka Stone, the, at Junagadh, 9, 11 ; 
translation of the edicts, 12—21 ; record 
of the bursting of the Sudarsana Lake, 
23—26, 32 ; inscription referring to the 
restoration of the Sudarsana Lake, 
translation, 32-36 

Aston, Colonel, 194 

Atithi, 45 

Atkot, 151, 161 

Aurangzeb, Emperor of Delhi, 119, 120 

Avanti, country of, 25 

Awaratyas, the, marriage customs, G8, 186 

Azam Khan, subjugation of Jam Lakhaji, 

Babaji Apaji, Dewan of Baeoda, siege 
of, Wanthali, 164 ; advance on Sihor, 
176-77 ; tribute collecting expedition, 
178-81 ; advance against Kandorna, 
182-83 ; support of Rewashankar, 184 

Babariahadar, 198 

Babi Family, the, in Saurashtra, 125-27 

Babra town, 151 ; Kathis of, 170 ; out- 
laws at, 247 

Babria country, 58 

Babriahadhar, 176 

Babriawad, 64, 141, 256 

" Babriyas," the, 54 


Babylon, 10 

Bactria, the Saka dynasty, 23 

Bagasra, 69, 256 

Bahadur Khan, father of Sher Khan, 126 

Bahadur Khan, Nawab of Junagadh and 
the Kathis, 186 ; relations with the 
British Government, 190-94 

Bahadur Khanji, son of Mahabat Khanji, 
succeeded 1882, 238 ; Nawab of Juna- 
gadh G.C.I.E., 245 ; death, 249-50 

Bahadur Shah II, relations with the 
Portugese, 94-99 ; death, 99, 101-2 

Bahadur Sheikh Kamrud-din, Khan, 217 

Bahadursinhji, visit to England, 263 

Bahaka Ahiru, Senapati, 27 

" Baharwatia," 199, 209 

Baharwatias, the, 202-3 

Baiones Insula, the, 5 

Balambha, 125, 149, 152, 157, 197 

Baldeo, 6-7 

Baldhoi, 246 

Balidana, 45 

Ballantyne, Captain, 194 

Bamanioji, Jam, 50 

Bantwa, 127, 143, 144, 160, 256 

Bappa, a priest, 43, 45 

" Barake," identification of, 4, 5 

" Barbars," the, 54 

Barbatana, 198 

Barda, 256 

Barda Choki, army headquarters at, 217 

Barda Hills, the, 2, 4, 49, 50, 54, 107, 109, 
110, 145-46, 156, 210, 231 

Bardasdma, 4 

Bamewall, Captain, first British political 
agent in Kathiawad, 197-98 ; expedi- 
tion of, 199—200 ; promise to Wagesinhji, 
205 ; retirement, 207 

Baroda, inscriptions at, 42 ; position of, 
176 ; British Resident appointed, 176 ; 
two assistants to Resident appointed, 

Baroda, Gaekwad of, revenue of, 131 ; 
seeks help of Raghunyati, 163-64 ; 
terms with the British Govenmient, 178, 
188-89; tribute due to, 182-83; 
Dwarka placed under his control, 211 ; 
and the Waghers, 215 

Barr, Colonel, political agent, 212-14 

Barton, Colonel L. C, political agent in 
Kathiawad, 215, 235 

Barton, Lieutenant, 215 

Barwala, 151 

Bassein Treaty, terms, 176, 183, 194 

Bawa Raning, exploits of, 202, 210 

Bawajiraj, 229 

Begarah, Mahomed, conquest of Saurash- 
tra, 80-84 ; subjugation of Jagat, 84-86 ; 
and the island of Diu, 90 ; his offer to 
the Portugese, 92 ; and Malik Aiaz, 93 

Behar, 10, 90 














b in 

r to 

Benares, 226 

Bethali affair, the, 150 

Bethali, fort of, 145 

Bhadar River, 2-3, 146 

Bhadli, 113 

Bhadrapada, 26-27 

Bhadrapattanaka, 43 

Bhagavan, devotees of, 44 

Bhagavan Veda Vyasa, quoted, 46 

Bhagwatsinhji Thakor of Gondal, 235, 
243-44, 250, 253, 259, 262, 265-66 

Bhamodra, 207-8 

Bhan Khachar of Bhadli, 200 

Bhandari, 53 

Bhanwad Fort, 156, 198 

Bhartradaman, son of Rudrasena, 28 

Bhatias, the, of Jesalmir, 99 

Bhattarka of the Maitraka clan, 37-38 

Bhattarka, Shri Senapati, 45 

Bhavnagar, 2, 38, 124, 137, 164, 180, 256 ; 
rivalry with Gogha, 127-28 ; Morarji 
at, 161-62 ; Kathi attacks on, 172-73, 
175, 198; settlement of, 183-89; 
Junagadh's claim on, 212 ; salute 
for the Thakor of, 221 ; Darbars of 
1877, 232-34; railway to Wadhwan, 
237 ; visit of Prince Albert Victor, 244 ; 
offer of troops from, 245 ; Darbar 1891, 
246 ; area, 257 ; visit of Sir George 
Clarke, 262 ; efficiency of, 265 

Bhavnagar Museum, copper plates in the, 

Bhavsinhji, son of Wajesinhji, 208 

Bhavsinhji, Gohel chief, son of Ratanji, 
defence of Sihor, 123-24 ; reputation 
of, 127-28, 135 

Bhavsinhji, Rana of Porbandar, 255, 259, 

Bhavsinhji, Thakor of Bhavnagar, 252, 
259-60, 261-63, 265 

Bhawan Ehawas, battle of Pardhari, 152, 
153 ; sons, 157 

Bhaya Wala, 170 

Bhayats, the, 230 

Bhayawadar, town of, 100 

Bherai, 5 

Bherai harbour, 5 

Bhils tribe, the, 48, 51, 54 

Bhim Godel of Arthila, 79 

Bhimadeo flight from Mahmud, 61, 62 ; 
Somnath rebuilt by, 63-64 

Bhimaraja, Raja of Dwarka, 86 

Bhimora, village of, 160 

Bhismak, 7 

Bhnavajar territory, Kathi raids on, 206 

Bhoira, Fort of, 65, 171 ; fortress de- 
stroyed by Khengar II, 69 

Bhoja, son of Ala Khuman, 168-69 

Bhola Dhankhado, 167, 174 

Bhumaka, Emperor, 28 

" Bhumia," title of, 233, 234 

Bhupatsinha, son of i^amandlik, 84 

Bhuwad, King, 51 

Biawal 99 

Bilkha,' town of, 82, 186, 263 

Bindusara, son of Chandragupta, 11 

Blane, Mr., political agent, 207 

Blood ceremonies, 53—54 

Bodhi Sattvas Gunamati, the, 42 

Bombay, visit of Prince Albert Victor, 244 

" Bombay Duck," 187 

Bombay, University of, 243 

Booth, Mr, Robert, 225, 228 

Botad, 170 

Brahmacharis Visakha, priest, 45 

Brahmanism favoured by Asoka, 12 ; in 
Walabhi, 42 ; in Saurashtra, 48-49 

Brahmans, ascetics and, gifts by rulers 
of Asoka, 14-15, 16, 17, 18 

Brahmans, Nagar, ability of, 236-37 

Brihaspati, 44 

British Government, influence in] Western 
India, relations with Akherajji, 137-38 ; 
attack on Talaja, 140-41 ; friendship 
with Wakhatsinhji, 168, 176; treaty 
with the Peshwa of Poona 1802, 176 ; 
entry into Kathiawad, 177-81 ; opera- 
tions against the Waghers, 216-220 

Broach, 22, 95, 106, 223 

Buchar Mori, battle of, 108-9, 113-14 

Buda Pesth, Congress of Hygiene at, 250 

Buddha, Gautama, 10, 30, 41 

Buddhism, Chinese pilgrimage to India, 
8-9 ; rise of, 10 ; favoured by Asoka, 
12, 20 ; missionaries of, 13 ; in Walabhi, 
42 ; in Saurashtra, 48—49 ; monasteries, 

Budhna, 172 

Butwadar, village of, 217 

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, 91 

Calicut, 91, 92 

Cambay, 94, 95, 96, 166; burnt by the 
Portugese, 101 ; trade of, 124 ; Nawab 
of, and the British Government, 137-42 

Cambay, Gulf of, 1, 2, 3, 5 

Cambridge Uni\rersity, 250 

Camac, Captain, 191, 192 

Camegy, Major, 260 

Castro, Dom Joao da, 101 

Ceylon, Buddhism introduced into, 13 ; 
identity with Diu, 89 

Chachai Hill, 216 

Chaitibu, 213 

Chakrapalita, 32, 34-36 

Chalukya tribe, 56 

Champa ELhuman, 201 

Champaner, 80, 234 

Champraj Wala of Charkha, 207 ; sen- 
tence on, 209 

Chanchapur in Morvi State, 247 

Chand Ghori, 150 


i'i- "• ■ '» 



; ^i\ 

Chandra, 44 

Chandra Gupta Maurya, career of, 10-11 

Chandra Gupta II, 31-32 

Chandrasinhji Jhala, attacks -of Jam Jasaji, 

111-12 ; sons of, 112-13, 116-17, 119- 

Chaoras tribe, 48, 51-52, 54, 56-57, 70 
Charakhadi, village of, 124-25 
Chastana Mahakshatrapa, 24 
Chashtana Baja, Muhakhastrapa Swami, 

Chashtana, son of Syamotika, 28 
Chashtana, Swami, 27 
Chashtana, Viceroy of Vilivayhura II, 

Chaul, Portugese defeat at, 90-93 
Chela Khachar of Jasdan, 200 
Chhaya, fort of, 50, 99, 123, 190 
Chinese pilgrims to India, 9 
Ching-liang-pu, 41 
Chlrbira, a messenger, 46 
Chital, Kathi fort, capture by Wakhat- 

singhji, 170 ; restored to Kathis, 175- 

76 ; Kathis of, 178, 185, 186, 199-200, 

Chitor, 63, 88, 96 
Chitrasar, 58 
Chola, 13 
Chorwad, 96, 152 ; the Jagirdar of, 159 ; 

meeting of Arabs, 161 ; surrender to 

Kanchodji, 163 
Chotila, 151, 256 
Chu River, 23 
Chuda, 66, 113, 258 
Chuda, KEimdar of, pursuit of outlaws, 

Chuda Ra, 54-55 
Chudasama Ras, 4, 54-56, 65, 68, 79, 80, 

Chunval, 126 
Chura, village of, 209 
Clarke, Sir <^orge (afterwards Lord Syden- 
ham), Governor of Bombay, 261-62 
Cochin, 91 
Coining of money, privilege granted to 

the Jadejas, 115 ; the mint at Nawan- 

agar, 232 
Coins, early Greek, in Western India, 22 
Constantius, 89 
Copper-plates, grants of land by means 

of, 9 ; inscriptions on, 38-39 ; in the 

Bhavnagar Museum, translation, 43-46 
Coronation Memorial Hospital for Women 

and Children at Junagadh, 263 
Coulson, Mr., sent to Junagadh, 213-14 
Crutchley, Colonel, 193 
Cunha, Nuno da. Viceroy of Portugese 

India, 97 
Curzon, Lord, of Kedleston, visit to 

Kathiawad, 255 
Cyrene, Bud(^usm in, 13 


Dabbhalim, Govebkoe op Pbabbas 
Patan, 62 

Dada Elachar of Akhot, 151 

Dafedar Khamrudin Hidayat Ali, 259 

Dafedar Mahomed Shakir, 247-48 

Daghoji Raizadah, 160 

Daiya, village of, 125 

Daji of Gondal, 151-52 

Dajiraj of Wadhwan, 229 

Dakshamitra, 30 

Dakshinapatha, 25 

Dalkhania, outlaw retreat, 139-40 

Dalpatram, Dewan, 130 

Damajada, son of Damasena, 28 

Damajada, son of Rudradaman, 28 

Damaji, Gaekwad, 127 

Daman, Rudra (Raja Mahakshapatra 
Rudra Daman), 24 

Damaripataka, village of, 45 

Damasena, son of Rudrasinha, 28 

Damodarji Tank, the, in Saurashtra, 12 

Danta Kotila of Dedan, 168 

Darwin, his theory of evolution, cited, 49 

Dasada, 94 

Dasaratha, King, 21 

Datar, hill of, 2 

Daud Khan, Viceroy of Gujarat, 122 

Daulat Khan Ghori of Junagadh, 108, 109 

Daulatsinhji, Thakor, of Limbdi, 262 

Dauta Kotila of Dedan, 200 

Deccan, the, Musalman rulers in, 48 

Dedan, 168, 199 

Delhi, Kings of, 48, 50 ; seized by Ala- 
ud-din ; conquest by Timur, 74-75 ; 
Emperors of. 111 ; decline of Moghul 
rule in Saurashtra, 131 ; the Darbar of 
1877, 232 ; Darbar of 1903, 259 ; Dar- 
bar of 1911, 262-63 

Delwada, 146 

Deoli, 95 

Depla, village of, 208 

Desalji, Rao, 125 

Deva Manik, 216, 218 

Devaiyat and Ra Noghan, 58-59 

" Deims," name appuied to the Bhils, 54 

Devra, fort of, 146, 147 

Devyashray, the, cited, 56 

Dewaji, Jadeja, of Gondal, 163 

Dewasa, fort of, 139 

Dhama Chaora, 100 

Dhandhalpur, 162, 175 

Dhandhuka, the Gohel's rights in, 183 ; 
tribute remitted, 194 ; claims of the 
Mamlatdar, 212 ; jurisdiction of, 222 ; 
bandits of, 256, 258 

Dhandhusar, inscriptions at, 55, 157 

Dhark, 49, 51, 52 

Dharai, near Monpur, 78 

Dharangadhra, 233 

Dharapatta, Bhattarka, 39 

Dharasena I, eldest son of Bhattarka, 38 




Dharasena II, son of Guhaeena, 39, 43 

Dharasena III, son of Kharagraha, 39 

Dharasena IV, son of Dhruvasena II, 39 

Dharasena, Maharaja Shri, 46 

Dharasena Shri Senapati, 44-45 

Dhari, 38, 216 

DhanJsa, village of, 205 

Dhasa, 175 

Dhensara, 155 

Dhola, railway from, 237 

Dhoraji, 100, 141, 146, 148, 197, 203; 
sold by Sher Khan, 131 ; railway of, 
237, 244 ; the famine of 1899, 255 

Dhrafa, 217 

Dhrangadhra, 66, 86, 149 ; Jhala Raisinhji 
at, 125 ; taken by Sheshabhai, 131 ; 
attacked by Sadashiv Bamchandra, 
132 ; capital of the Jhalas, 152 ; op- 
position to Banchodji, 164 ; Koli 
descent on, 201 ; famine of 1899, 254-55 ; 
salute for Raj of, 221 ; railways from, 
253; area, 257; Darbar 1903, 259; 
efficiency of, 266 

Dhrol, 100. 102, 108, 111, 256, 266; 
settlement of, 184 

Dhrumath, the outlaws at, 251-52 

Dhruvabhatta, 41-42 

Dhruvasena I, 39 

Dhruvasena II, 39, 40 

Dhruvasena III, 39 

Dhruvasena, Maharaja Shri, 44 

Dhunoji Gohel of Sihor, 113-14 

Dibsans, the, 89 

Dihor, 206 

Din Mahomed, outlaw, 242 

Dinpanah Mahomed, see Begarah 

Diu, Island of, Portugese established on, 
88-99, 187, 256 ; Bahadur Shah at, 94 ; 
Turkish attack on, 100-101 ; attack 
by Khoja Zulgar, 101 ; Arab invasion, 
1670, 118 ; under Mahomedan rule, 120 ; 
death of Kalien Sheth at 163 ; Captain 
Grant at, 202 

Diva Kotta (Diva Pattana), 89 

Divaei or Diveni, the, 89 

Dolia, railway from, 244 

Dolti, village of, 207 

Dronasinha, son of Bhattarka, character 
of, 38-39 

Dronasinha, Maharaja Shri, 44 

Duda Gohel, 79-80 

DufEerin, Lord, at Patiala, 245 

Dula Baj, 68 

Dullabhji, 142, 147, 159-60 

Dungarshi Devshi, Dewan of Junagadh, 
213, 214 

Duryodhan, 67 

Dwarka, town of, 4-7, 76 ; pilgrims to, 
7, 79, 102 ; library, stone inscriptions 
in, 27 ; expedition of Mandlik III against, 
79 ; subjugation by Mahomed Begarah, 

84-86 ; Muzafar's flight to, 110 ; out- 
rages by the Waghers, 154, 211, 215 ; 
British assistant to Resident appointed, 
216; railways to, 262 

Dwarkapuri, temple of, at Jamnagar, 27 

Dyas, Ra, 58 

Eabthqtjakb in Kathiawad in 1819, 197 

East, Colonel, 196-97 

Edal Khan Babi, 160 

Edicts of Asoka, translation, 12-21 

Edinburgh University, 243, 250 

Education of chiefs' sons, question of, 

222 ; education in the States, 250 
Edward VII, coronation proclaimed, 259 
Egypt, Buddhism in, 13 
Elliot, Captain, 213 
" Emperor of India," title taken by 

Chandra Gupta, 11 
" Empress of India," title assumed by 

Queen Victoria, 232 
England, visit of two Indian chiefs to, 

243 ; the first Rani to visit, 250 
Epirus, Buddhism in, 13 
■ Bucratides, King of Bactria, 22 

Fakhb-ttd-dowlah, Vicbbot of Gxtjabat, 

Famine in Kathiawad 1813, 193; 1814, 

194-95 ; 1825, 205 ; 1899, 254-55 
Farukhsiyar, Emperor, 122 
Fateh Khan, see Begarah 
Fateh Mahomed, Battle of Pardhari, 

152-53 ; attack on Nawanagar, 155-56 ; 

descent upon Halar, 192-93 
Fatehsinha Rao, Gaekwad of Baroda, 

tribute paid by, 144-46 ; operations 

against Nawanagar, 191 
Fatehyab Khan, 133 
Fenton, Captain L. L., 241 
Firoz Taglak, Sultan, 74 
Fitzgerald, Mr. P. S. V., 261 
Fitzgerald, Sir Seymour, Governor of 

Bombay, 224, 227 
Forbes, Captain A. W., 245-252 
Forbes, Mr. Kinlock, 213 
Fouzdars of Sorath, 114-15 

Gadh, Village of, 26 

Gadhechi River, 177 

Gadhra, 170 

Gajsinhji, Jhala of Halwad, 125, 131, 132, 

Gama, Vasco da, 48, 91 
Gandhara, 15, 67 
Ganges River, 52, 60 
Gariadhar, 113, 116, 174 
Gatu, 182 
Gawrishankar Udayashankar, 223-24, 

George V, visit to India, 262-63 




'1 1 


Ghanshyamsinhji, succession to Dhran- 

gadhra, 262, 266 
Ghazni, the loot of Somnath taken back 
to, 65 

Ghela Khuman, 198-99 

Ghumli, to-wn of, 2, 4 ; Jethwa stronghold, 
49 ; fall of, in twelfth century, 50 ; 
Jadeja invasion, 99 

Gir Forest, hills of, 2, 3 ; raiders of, 139- 
40, 168 171-72, 198-99,, 1201-2, 205-6, 
207-10, 216, 242, 247 ; visit of Prince 
Albert Victor, 244 ; Jion hunting in, 260 

Girassia College, 238, 265-66 

Girassias, the, 230, 234 

Girinagar, 23 

Gimar, holy hill, 2, 7, 55, 58, 76 

Gimar, fort of, 82, 83 

Goa, 48, 91, 92, 98, 101 

Godad Khawad, Kathi chief, 162, 175 

Godavari River, 29 

Godhra, 126 

Godji, Rao, of Kachh, threats to Mera- 
man, 149 

Gogha, port of, 71, 116, 124, 126, 127, 
256 ; captured by Mokheraji, 73 ; 
restored to the Babis, 127, 128 ; under 
the Marathas, 132 ; position, 137 ; the 
Gohel's rights in, 183 ; tribute remitted, 
194 ; claim of the Mamlatdar, 212 ; 
jurisdiction of, 222 

Goghasamdi, 172 

Goha, King, 52-53 

" Gohel," derivation of name, 72 

Gohel Rajputs, the, 63 ; the settlement 
in Saurashtra, 71-72 

Gohels of Sihor, Maratha attacks on, 
123-24, 127 

Gohelwad, Rajputs of, 2 ; tribute to 
Ahmad Shah, 78 ; Kathi raids on, 
113-14; under Azam Khan, 115-16; 
States comprised in, 256-57 

Gokal Khawas, 192 

Gokalji Jhala, Dewan of Junagadh, 214 

Gokharwala, 258 

Golan, 200 

Gondal, 73, 107, 133, 147, 256 ; Jadejas 
of, 100 ; overrun by Marathas, 154 ; 
settlement of, 184 ; joint administra- 
tion appointed, 235, 243 ; railways, 
252 ; visit of Sir George Clarke, 262 ; 
efficiency of, 265-66 

Good Hope, Cape of, 91 

Gop, 191 

Gopnath, 167 

Gordon, Lieutenant H. L., 217 ; pursuit 
of outlaws and death, 247-49 

Govardhan Rathod, plot of, 117-18 

Govindji Gohel, 116 

Govindji, Governor of Kutiana, 140, 142, 

Grahario I, Ra (Graharipu), 55, 56, 57 


Grahario II, Ra, 69 

Grant, Captain, captivity of, 202-3 

Greek power in the Punjab, 10 ; coins 
in Western India, 22 

Greeks driven out of Bactria, 23 

Gufa in Gujarati, 52 

Gugarala, village of, 200 

Guhasena, son of Dharapatta, 39 

Gujar Khan, 109 

Gujar Nagirs, the, 236 

Gujarat, 2, 6, 51, 56 ; Mahomedan raids, 
70-71 ; rule of Muzafar Khan, 73-75 ; 
revolt of Mahomedan nobles, 75-76 ; 
ravages of Duda Gohel, 79-80 ; Maho- 
medan rulers of, 80 ; ports of, 88 ; 
overrun by Emperor Humayun, 96-97, 
104 ; division among the nobles, 105 ; 
Maratha raids, 121-31 ; Maratha rule 
established, 131-34 ; British para- 
mount in, 176 ; railway connexion 
with, 237 

Gunda, village of, 27 

Gundaran, Kathis of, 169 

Gupta Kings, 7 ; end of their rule in 
Saurashtra, 31, 37 

Habibmia, Outlaw, 246, 247 

Hada Khuman, Kathi leader, 168, 172 ; 
attack on Sihor, 173 ; surrender to 
Wakhatsinhji, 176 ; rising of, 198-200 

Hadiana, 192 

Haider Kuli Khan, Viceroy of Gujarat, 

Hala, Jam, 100 

Halaji, Jadeja, of Pardhari, 128, 149 

Halar, 1, 100, 152, 180, 256; taken by 
Kutab-ud-din, 118 ; settlement of, 185 ; 
Fateh Mahomed's descent on, 192 ; 
area, 256 

Halaria, 206 

Halawad, see Halar 

HaUad, 206 

Haloji, Rana, deposes his father, 165 ; 
Kandoma handed back to, 182-83 ; 
asks British help, 190 

Halwad, 66, 87, 88, 102; attacked by 
Jam Jasaji, 112 ; raiding on, 113, 117 ; 
renamed Mahomed-Nagar, 119-20 ; col- 
lection of revenue, 122 ; villages given 
to, 125 

Hamed Khan 1, of Junagadh, and Amarjl, 
136, 143, 146-7; and Meraman, 152, 
155 ; and Rupoji Sindhia, 157-58 ; the 
Arab mutiny, 160-61 ; fear of the 
Amarji family, 161 ; appeal to Rag- 
hunathji, 163 ; and Mukand Rao, 164 ; 
tribute collected by, 165 ; appeal of 
the sons of Ala Khuman, 169 ; fighting 
with Wakhatsinhji, 174r-75; refuses to 
purchase Kandoma, 181 : death, 1811, 




Ilamed Khan II of Junagadh, 211 

Hamed Sindhi, 161-62 

Hamir, son of Ra Chuda, 55 

Hamir Khasia, Zamindar of Waghnagar, 

166-68 ; peace with Wakhatsinhji, 171 
Hamir Sumro, 59 
Hamirji of Kachh, 99 
Hammick, Mr. S., 239 
Hancock, Major F. de B., 264 
Hanmart, Brao, 164 
Hansoji, treachery of, 159-60 
Hanuman, the monkey god, 49 
Harbhamji, K. S., 229 
Harbamji of Grohelwad, 116 
Hardholji, brother of Jam Raisinhji, 124 
Hardholji, brother of Jam Rawal, 100 
Harisinhji of Bhavnagar, 229 
Harpal Deva, 66-67 
Harraj of Umeta, 65, 69 
Harris, Captain, 217 
Harris, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 245, 

Harsha, rule of, 40 
Harsur, son of Jogidas Khuman, 200 
Harsur Wala of Bagasra, 200, 203 
Hasan Jamadar, 194 
Hashim Khan, 140 
Hastinapur (Delhi), 54 
Hathasni, 173 

Hebbert, Captain Henry, 217, 219 
Hemsted, Lieutenant, 217 
Herat, headquarters of the Huns at, 37 
Hill, Mr., 261, 263 
Himalayas, 40, 44 

Himat Ali Khan, Governor of Sorath, 127 
Hindu laws against holding of land, 119 ; 

laws against eating of flesh, 194—95 
Hindu Khush, the, Alexander's crossing, 9 
Hindus, oppression under Mahomedan 

rule, 76-77 
Hindustan invasion by Abdul Rahaman 

Al Marri, 41 
Hiouen Tsiang, pilgrimage of, 6, 38-41 
Holi Festival celebration, 147 
Holy places, 6-7 
HomeritsB, the, 89 
Honner, Colonel, sent against the Waghers, 

Humayun, Emperor, of Delhi, 96-97 
Humphrey, Major, 231, 235, 242 
Huns, incursions into India, 32 ; attack 

on Patliputra in 465, 37 ; invasion of 

Magadh, 40 
Hunter, Colonel J. M., 253, 255 
Hussain, Emir, 92 
Hygiene, Eighth International Congress 

of, 250 

Ibrahim Khan, 159 
Idar in Gujarat, 87 

Imperial Service troops, formation of, 

Inaj, outlaws of, 241-43 
India, Hun invasions, 32 ; Portugese 

settlements, 91-92 
Indus, the, eccentricities, 5 ; passage forced 

by Alexander, 9 ; tribes of, 53 
Inscriptions, epigraphic, 9 ; rock, of 

Asoka, 12-21 ; copper-plate at Wala, 

Inspecting officers, appointment of, 245 
Islamnagar (Nawanagar), IIS 
Isvaradatta, Emperor, 28 
Itimad Khan, Regent, 103-106 

Jackal Island, see Shial Island 

Jackson, Captain, 232 

Jadav Jaswant, 130 

Jadeja chiefs of Halawad, jealousy of 
Meraman, 151 

Jadeja Rajputs establishment in Saurash- 
tra, 99-100 

Jadejas, oppression of the Jethwas, 123 

Jafar Khan (Safdar Khan), 126 

Jafrabad, 5, 57 ; freedom from tribute, 
187, 188 

Jagat temple at Dwarka, 7 

Jagatsinha, capture of Wanthali, 72 

Jagjiwan Devji, 196 

Jahan, Khan, name given to Mandlik III, 

Jain writings, the, cited, 6 

Jains, sects of the, 7 

Jalam Singh of Nawanagar, 218 

Jalia, 153 

Jamadar Fakir Mahomed, 198 

Jamadar Umar, 240 

Jambura, village of, 209 

Jamnagar, 27 ; modern name for Nawan- 
agar, 252 

Janjira, Nawab of, 187-88 

Jarakhia, 175 

Jarasandha, King of Magadh, 6 

Jasa Khasia of Mahuva, 167-68, 171 

Jasa Ladak, 108, 109 

Jasaji, Jadeja, of Bhanwad, 198 

Jasaji, Jam of Nawanagar, attacks on 
Jhalawad, 111-12; tribute paid by, 
113 ; succeeded by Jam Lakhaji 1624, 
115 ; subordination to Meraman, 149-54; 
attempt to escape, 154-55 ; overruns 
country round Barda, 156-57 ; and the 
sons of Bhawan Khawas, 157 ; Nawan- 
agar methods, 180-82 ; ofiEer of Babaji 
Apaji, 182 ; death of, 191-93, 196 

Jasaji, Jam, son of Jam Lakhaji, 137 

Jasal, daughter of Devaiyat, 59 

Jasapur, village of, 246 

Jasdan, 65, 95, 151, 181, 185, 256 

Jasdan Stone, inscriptions on the, 26-27 

Jasoji Jadeja, death of, 102-103 





Jaswantsinhji Jhala of Dhrangadhra, 
152, 153 

Jaswantsinhji Jhala of Halwad, succes- 
sion to Halwad, 119-20 ; his daughter 
married to the Viceroy, 122 

Jaswantsinhji of Jodpur, Viceroy of 
Gujarat, 118, 119 

Jaswantsinhji, Thakor of Bhavnagar, 212, 
222, 223 

Jaswantsinhji, Thakor of Limbdi, made 
K.C.I.E. 1887, 244; further honours 
1903, 259 

Jaswatsinhji, Jam of Nawanagar, 252, 260, 

Jawan Hard Khan of Sami-Munjpur, 

Jawuba, Bai, schemes of, 136-37, 149-50 

Jaxartes River, the, 23 

Jayadama, Baja Kshatrapa Swami, 27 

Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, 28 

Jayamal River, 69 

Jayashankar Lalshankar, Mr., 235 

Jayasinha Chudasama, 69 

Jayasinha II, Ra, 73 

Jayasinha III, Ra, 76, 78, 79 

Jehan, Emperor Shah, rule of, 114-15, 126 

Jehangir, Emperor of Delhi, 111 ; visit to 
Gujarat, 113 

Jesalmir in Rajputana, 99 

Jesar, village of, 201 

Jetalsar, village of, 160, 244, 252, 256, 263 

Jethwas tribe, history of the,48-54 ; loyalty 
of the Mers to, 54 ; antagonism of the 
Jadejas, 99 ; at Porbandar, 122 

Jetpur, 142, 144, 145, 152, 158,-178, 185-86, 
199-200, 256 

Jetsinhji Jhala, of Jhalawad, 78-79 

Jetwad, 256 

Jhabal, village of, 207, 208 

" Jhala," derivation of the term, 66 

Jhalas, history of the, 66 

Jhalawad, a division of Kathiawad, 2 ; 
bestowed upon Harpal Deva, 66 ; suc- 
cession of Raisinhji Jhala, 102-3 ; 
attacks of Jam Jasaji, 111-12 ; raiding 
in, 116-17 ; Maratha collecting expedi- 
tions through, 179-80 ; States of, 256- 

Jhali, the Rani, 112 

Jhanjhmer, 167 

Jhara, copper plates at, 38 

Jhelum River, 9 

Jhilaria, 153 

Jhinjhuwada added to Ahmadabad, 201 

Jiaji Jethwa, 175 

Jijiba, Bai, 131, 132 

Jira, village of, 207 

Jivadaman, son of Damajada, 28 

Jivadaman, Swami, 28 

Jiwaji Shamraj, defeat by Amarji, 144-45 

Jiwan Khan conspirator, 147 


Jiwapur, Babaji Apaji at, 182 

Jodho Manik, 215, 216 

Jodia, 157, 180 ; flight of Arabs to, 196-97 ; 
district given to Sundarji Shavji, 197 

Jogidas Khuman, 199, 200, 205-6 

John III of Portugal, 101 

Jubah £[han, conspirator, 147 

Julien, Stanislas, account of Walabhi, 

Juma Gand, outlaw, 246, 251-52 

Jumna River, 52 

Junagadh, the State of, 4, 7, 27; the 
Asoka Stone at, 9, 12 ; Uparkot, 56, 
58 ; the Chudasama capital, 68 ; revenge 
of Siddha Raj, 69; Ras of, 72-74; 
Mahomedan Viceroy placed at, 74 ; 
capital re-established at, by Ra Melak, 
75 ; invaded by Ahmad Shah, 76-77 ; 
captured by Begarah, 80-84 ; re-named 
Mustafabad, 84 ; besieged under the 
Viceroy Miraa AzLs Kokaltash, 109-11 ; 
Babi rulers of, 126 ; seized by Sher 
Khan, 127-30 ; proposed Maratha 
governor for, 132 ; disorder on death 
of Amarji, 157-58 ; tribute due to the 
Marathas, settlement by Colonel Walker, 
183, 232 ; terms with the British, 189 ; 
Rang Mahal palace at, 193 ; claims on 
Bhavnagar, 212 ; salute for Nawab of, 
221 ; H.H. the Nawab of, at Delhi 
Darbar 1877, 232-34 ; attacked by the 
Mayas 1872, 239; Makraini outrages 
1885, 241-43; visit of Prince Albert 
Victor, 244 ; offer of troops from, 245 ; 
Darbar 1892, 250 ; visit of Lord Sand- 
hurst, 253 ; Arts College and Technical 
Institution, 255 ; visit of Lord Eatchener, 
261 ; visit of Sir George Clarke, 262 ; 
visit of Lord Sydenham, 263 ; Corona- 
tion Memorial Hospital for Women and 
Children, 263 ; railways of, 263 

Junaid, Arab ruler of Saurashtra, 41 

Junwadar, village of, 200 

Jursall, 211 

Kachh, foembrly pabt of Saurashtea, 
6 ; fort of Kanthkot, 61 ; rule of the 
Jams, 99 ; pirates of the coast, 202 ; 
outlaws in, 246 

Kachh, Gulf of, 1, 2, 3 

Kachh, Rann of, 5, 103 

Kachh, the Rao of, 94, 103 ; surrender to 
Muzafar Khan, 110-11 ; peace offerings, 
144 ; appeal for British help, 191 ; 
visit of the Governor of Bombay to, 247 

Kadar Bax, outlaw, 242 

Kadi, siege of, 163-64 

Kala Bhati, 199 

Kalandar Shah Khan, Jamadar, pursuit 
of outlaws, 247-49 

Kalian Hirji, 155 



Kalian Sheth, Dewan of Junagadh, 162, 
163, 175 

Kalianpur, 231 

Kalianrai Jetha Bakshi, 261 

Kalinga, conquest by Asoka, 12 

Kalingas, the, 19 

Kalwa Gateway, in Junagadh, 68-69 

Kamadeva, 44 

Kamboja, 15 

Eamribai, daughter of Jogidas E^uman, 

Eanad, village of, 205 

Kananj, 40 

Kandhoji, Gohel of Gariadhar, 113, 171 

Kandhoji, son of Unadji, 172 

Kandhoji, Gohel of Falitana, sympathy 
for the Kathis, 205, 206 

Kandoma, state of, in 1807, 179 ; seized 
by Makranis, 181-82 ; handed back to 
Bana Haloji, 182-83; conquest by 
Colonel Walker, 191 ; Arab revolt, 

Kanoji Takpar, Maratha general, 129-30 

Kantaji Kadam Bande, 123 

Kanthad Wala, Kathi chief, 144 

Kanthkot, fort of, in Kachh, 61-62 

Kanyoji, 100 

Kapparbhanj, 81 

Karachi, 242 

Karadia, village of, 247-48 

Karan Baja, King of Anhilwad, 66 

Karansinhji Jhala, of Wadhwan, 128, 

Karansinhji, Thakor of Lakhtar, at Delhi 
Darbar, 1911, 262-63 

Kariana, town of, 151 

Kama, 67 

Kama Baja, 52 

Elarsanji Jhala, 155 

Karson Meher, 218 

Kashmir, 60, 60 

Kasyapagotra, the, 45 

Katchchha, country of, 25 

Kathiawad, the Jasdan Stone, 26-27 ; 
Mers of, 53 ; entry of Colonel Walker, 
1807, 177, 178, 185 ; plague and famine 
in 1813, 193 ; earthquake in 1819, 197 ; 
pirates on coast of, 202 ; famine, 1825, 
205 ; chiefs of, 221 ; visit of Sir Philip 
Wodehouse, 232 ; railways, 237 ; visit 
of Prince Albert Victor, 244 ; States 
included in, 256; Lord Lamington's 
visits, 260-61 ; ports of, 265 

Kathi tribe, the, opposition to the Marathas, 
1 ; advent in Saurashtra, 67, 68 ; mar- 
riage customs, 68, 186 ; defeat by 
Khengar III, 70; raids on Gohelwad, 
113-14; rising of, 115; raids on 
Jhalawad, 117 ; plundering raids of, 
120; the Khawad Kathis, 129; ex- 
pedition of Meraman against, 150-51 ; 

defeat of Kalian Sheth, 162 ; routed 
by Wakhatsinhji, 169-72 ; attack on 
Bhavnagar, 175; propitiated by Wak- 
hatsinhji, 175-76 ; Jam Jasaji's dealings 
with, 180 ; condition as found by 
Colonel Walker, 185-89; attack on 
Bhavnagar, 1807, 198 ; attack on Jesar, 
201 ; raiding expeditions, 1825, 205, 
206 ; Wajesinhji makes terms with, 
206-7 ; of the Gir Forest, 210 

Katpur, village of, 43 

Kaurawas, the, 67 

Kawat Ra, story of, 57-58 

Kawat II, Ra, 69 

Kay, Captain H. C, 261, 264 

K&j&ji, Jadeja, of Morvi, 141 

Kayat Fatehsinhji, 122 

Kazi Fakhr-ud-din, 130 

Keatinge, Colonel, Political Agent in 
Kathiawad, 214, 216, 221-22, 224-29 

Kennedy, Colonel W. P., Political Agent, 
252, 255, 261 

Keranti, 66 

Kerianagar, village of, 144 

Kesar-Deva, 66 

Keshavji, servant, 213, 214 

Kesoj, sold to Junagadh, 160 

Kevalputra, 13 

Khachar, son of Werawal, 68 

Khachar Kathis, the, 170 

Khageshri, fort of, 146 

Khakhrabela, village of, 151 

Khakhrechi, village of, 247 

Khambhalia, 119, 150, 153, 156 

Khanan, Khan, 94, 95, 103 

Khandesh, 99 

Khandhoji Gohel, 113 

Khants, the, 81-82 

Khara, 27 

Kharagraha, brother of Siladitya I, 39 

Kharagraha II, brother of Dhnivasena II, 

Kharwas, 263 

£[hawad Kathis, the, 67 

Khawadji, son of Harpal Deva, 67 

Khengar I, Ba, 65 

Khengar II, Ea, 65 ; his vows performed, 

Khengar III, Ra, 70-72 

Khengar IV, Ra, defeat of the Maho- 
medans, 72-73 

Kherdi in Saurashtra, 106, 107 

Khergadh, Gohels expelled from, 71 

Khima Khasia, 171 

Khimoji, Rana, 123, 125 

Khiva, 59 

Khoja Zulgar, 101 

Khokata, village of, 97 

Khuman, son of Werawal, 68 

Khuman Kathis of the Gir Forest, 169-72 ; 
raids of the, 199-200 






Kincaid, Mr., ballad translated by, 219-20, 

Kitchener, Lord, visit to Verawal, 261 

Kodinar, 106, 161 ; consigned to the 
Gaekwad, 192; captured by Waghers, 

Koli tribe, the, 48 ; risings of, 115, 126, 
138 ; descent on Dhrangadhra, 201 

Konjli, village of, 208 

" Kori," derivation of term, 115 

Kosala, kingdom of, 10 

Kotara, 193 

Kotda Pitha, town of, 151 

Krishna River, 29 

Krishna, Temple of, on Gimar, 7 

Kshatrapa, use of the title, 29 

Kshatrapas, the Western, 23 ; list of, 

Kshemraj, King, 51 

Kubera, 44 

Kukand, Rao, revolt, 164 

Kukura, country, 25 

Kulaipa, 26 

" Kumar," Scjrthian use of the word, 50 

Kumar Takhatsinhji, town of, 232 

Kumaram Gupta, 31-32 

** Kumarants," the, 50 

Kumarapal of Anhilwad, 70 

Kumbhoji, Jadeja, Gondal founded by, 
1664, 100 ; viUages sold to, 124, 125 ; 
Dhoraji sold to, 1754, 131 ; and Jawan 
Hard Khan, 133 ; enmity towards Amarji, 
141-42, 146-48, 158, 161 ; as a peace- 
maker, 144, 177 ; Jetalsar and other 
villages obtained by, 160 

Kumpa Wala, a Kathi of Jetpur, Dal- 
khania destroyed by, 139-40 ; the 
Kathi revolt, 170 ; Chiital restored to, 

Kundla, under Ala Khuman, 168-70 ; 
Nawab Khan's rights to, 175 ; Kathis 
of, 176, 178, 198, 201 ; Sedul Khasia's 
escape from, 208 

Kunkavao, 170 

Kuntadevi, daughter of Bhin Godel, 79 

Kunvarji, a Nagar Brahman, 136 

Kunwari, 115 

Kutab-ud-din, Aibak, 71 

Kutab-ud-din, Fouzdar of Sorath, 118 

Kutab-ud-din, Shah, 80 

Kutiana, 130, 140 ; Khumbhoji advance 
on, 146-47 ; besieged by Ranchodji, 
163 ; mortgaged to Raghunathyi, 165 ; 
Amarji'a son living at, 184 

Kuwa, 66, 79 ; invested by Mahomed 
Begarah, 86-87 

Ladhxtbha ov Rajkot, 229 
Lakha Ghurara, 99 
Lakha, Jamadar, 219 
Lakha Khuman, 199 


Lakhadhirji, Parmar chief of Muli, plot 
of, 87-88 

Lakhaji, Jam 1768, 137 

Lakhaji, Jam of Nawanagar 1624, subjuga- 
tion, 115 

Lakhaji, spurious son of Jam Tamachi, 129 

Lakhtar, 67, 113 

Lakshman, mutilation of, 223 

Lalwad, 191 

Lamington, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 
tour of, 260-61 

Lang, Colonel, Political Agent, 211-12 

Lang Library, Rajkot, inscription, 248 

Langala, plundered by Kathis, 172 

Lassen, Dr., cited, 3-6 

Lath, village of, 160 

Lathi, 72, 175, 256 ; Gohels of, 80, 166, 
170; Kathi superstition regarding, 

Lavarda, 177 

Laxman Meram, Wala Shri of Thana- 
Devli, 263 

Lely, Mr. F. S. P., administrator of 
Porbandar, 243 

Lester, Colonel, 232 

Lichavis, rule of, in Tirhut, 30-31 

Lilia, Kathis of, 169 

Limbdi, 66, 163, 180, 224, 257, 266 

Lions of Kathiawad, 6 

Lisbon, expeditions from, 91 

Loch, Lieutenant George, death, 211 

Lodhika, robberies in, 246 

Loliana, Battle of, 173-74 

Loma Khuman, Kathi chief, 106-109 ; 
raid on Gohelwad, 113-14 

Luna, son of Ala Khuman, 168 

Lytton, Lord, Viceroy and Governor- 
General, the Darbar of 1877, 232 

Macbdonu, Buddhism in, 13 
Macnaghten, Mr. Chester, 226, 229, 252-53 
Madhaji Sindhia, 157 
Madhavpur, holy hill, 3, 7, 71 ; annexed 

to Porbandar State, 125 
Madhavrai Khushahrai, 162 
Madhavsinhji, 223 
Madhra, 172 

Maga, King of Cyrene, 20 
Magadh, once principal kingdom in North 

India, 10 ; revolt of Chandra Gupta, 

10-11 ; end of the Sunga dynasty, 23 
Mahabalah defile, the, 82 
Mahabat Khan, Nawab of Junagadh, died 

1776, 132, 133, 136, 141, 143 
Mahabat Khan, Nawab of Junagadh, 1859, 

Mahabat Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh, died 

1882, 238 
Mahabat Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh, 

1911, minority, 262; visit to England, 

263 ; salute for, 233 






Mahabharat, the, cited, 5, 7 

Mahadeva, temple of, Nawanagar, 155 

Mahadji Sindhia, 162 

Mahal^hatrapa Badradaman, 25 

" Mahakshatrapa," use of the title, 29 

Mahamed Taghlak Shah, 73 

" Maharaja Raja Shri," title of, 234 

Mahendra, son of Asoka, 13 

Mahiari. fort of, 139 

Mahi Biver, 6 

Mahipal II, Ba (Gajraj), 69 

Mahipal III, Ra, 69-70 

Mahipal IV, Ba, 72, 79 

Mahipal, V, Ba, 73, 74 

Mahipatrao, 143 

Mahmud of Ghazni, sack of Somnath, 51, 

" Mahmudi," 115 

Mahobatsingh Haribhai, 258-59 

Mahomed and the temple of Somnath, 

Mahomed Azam, 120 

Mahomed Jan, 246 

Mahomed Khan III, 99-101, 103 

Mahomed Mahabat Khan, Nawab of 
Junagadh, 211-12 

Mahomed Nagar, see Halwad 

Mahomed Bagi, 109 

Mahomed Sayad, 120 

Mahomed Shah, died 1451, 80 

Mahomed Shah II, ruled 1526, 90, 93 

Mahomed Shah Asiri, 99 

Mahomed Tora, 169 

Mahomedan ride in Kathiawad, 1-2 ; 
Kings of Delhi, 48 ; influx into Sind, 
53 ; overthrow of the Chudasama 
dynasty, 55 ; destruction of Somnath 
by, 62-64 ; settlement in Gujarat, 70 ; 
invasion of Saurashtra, 71 ; defeat by 
Ba Khengar IV, 72-73; rule estab- 
lished in Saurashtra, 76-77 ; invasion 
of Saurashtra under Mahomed Begarah, 

Mahomedans, laws in favour of, 119 

Mahuva, 43, 174 ; capture of, by Wak- 
hatsiidiji, 167-68 ; troops of, 201 ; 
Champraj Wala's designs on, 207 ; Arab 
revolt in, 211 

Maitraka clan, 52 

Majethi, village of, 160 

Majewadi, fort of, 162 

Makan Bharti, 102 

Makran country, the, 242, 243 

Makranis, revolt of the, 181-82, 241-43 

" Makwanas," the, name applied to the 
Jhalas, 66 

Male children, spurious, 117-18, 129 

Malhar Bao, 155 ; revolt of, 164 

Malia, 103, 159, 266 ; defeat of the Mianas, 
141 ; Colonel Walker at, 180 ; outlaws 
of, 239-41, 246 

Malik Aiaz, Governor of Diu, 90 ; and 
the Portugese, 92-93 ; sons of, 95, 96 

Malik Bakhan, 88, 94 

Malik Ilias, son of Malik Aiaz, 95 

Malik Isa, servant, 117-18 

Malik Ishak, son of Malik Aiaz, 93, 95 

Malik Mahmud Bargi, 78-79 

Malik Nasrat Jalisari, 71 

Malik Toghan, Governor of Jagat, 86 

Malik Toghan, son of Malik Aiaz, 96 

Malwa, 30, 40, 41, 94 

Mamaya Dhankhado, 174 

Mamlatdar of Gogha, the, 212 

Mamudia Sidi, 218 

Manai Jam, 99 

Manaji Gaekwad, 146-47 

Manasgotra, 27 

Mancharda, village of, 217 

Manchu Katha, 256 

Mandal, 66, 94, 256 

Mandhav Hills, 3 

Mandlik I, Ba, 70-72 

Mandlik II, Ba, 74, 75 

Mandlik III, Ba, and Duda Gohel, 79-80 ; 
defeat by Mahomed Begarah, 81-84 

Manek Chok of the bazaar, at Ahmadabad, 

Manekwada, 266 

Mangalji, son of Grovindji, 162 

" Manglor," 4 

Mangrol, 4, 63, 84, 95, 106, 197, 256; 
captured by the Portugese, 96 ; the 
Desais of, 125 ; Maratha representative 
in, 130 ; invested by Amarji, 138 ; 
Sheikh of, 159 

Manguji, son of Harpaldeva, 66 

Manohardas Trikamdas, conspirator, 147 

Mansia, a Khant, 130 

Mansinhji of Dhrangadhra, 221 ; salute 
for, 233 ; death, 265 

Mansinhji of Jhalawad, 94, 102 

Mansinhji of Palitana, 229, 252, 259 

Mansur Khuman, 199 

Mansuriyah in Sind, 62 

Marathas, naming the provinces of Kathia- 
wad, 1, 68 ; raiding in Gujarat, 121-31 ; 
establishment in Gujarat, 131-34 ; in- 
cursion into Kathiawad, 1776, 144 ; 
collection of tribute, 156, 161, 178-81 ; 
the battle of Loliana, 172-73 ; repulsed 
by Wakhatsinhji, 176-77; tribute due 
from Junagadh, settlement by Colonel 
Walker, 183 ; evils of the collection, 

Marriage customs of the Kathis, 68, 

Maru country, 25 

Marwar, country of, 24, 53 

Mary, Queen, visit to India, 262-63 

Mascarenhas, Dom Joao de, 101 

Maskat, Arab soldiers from, 196 






Mathak, 113 

Mathnrs, 6 

Matra Wala of Halaria, 206 

Mawana. 160 

Maya Punja, outlaw, 258, 259 

Majras tribe, the, rebellion, 238-39 

Mayne, Mr. C. J. W., of Rajkumar College, 

Mayo College at Ajmer, 260 

McMurdo, Captain, 201 

Mecca, pilgrimages. 111 

Megasthenes, writings of, 11 

Mehta Khan, conspirator, 147 

Melak, Ra, 75, 76, 78 

Meli, village of, 160 

Menander, conquests of, 22 

Mendarda, town of, 186 

Meraman Khawas, Dewan of Nawanagar, 
136-37,142-45; enmity towards Amarji, 
146-47 ; career of, 149, 150 ; expedi- 
tion against the Kathis, 150-51 ; 
jealousy of the Jadejas, 151-52 ; battle 
of Pardhari, 153 ; and the Rao of 
Kachh, 154 ; imprisonment of Jam 
Jasagi, 154—55 ■ and Fateh Mahomed, 
155 ; defence of Nawanagar, 1797, 166- 
56 ; attack on Bhanwad, 156 ; death, 
157, 180 ; and Ranchodi, 161 

Meramanji, Jadejas of Rajkot, 151-52 

Mers tribe, the, 48, 53-54 

Merwara, 53 

Mesan, the Charan, 65 ; and the vow of 
Khengar, 69 

Mian, Shiekh, of Mangrol, 130, 138, 139, 

Mianas of Malia, defeat of, 141 ; outlawry 
of, 210; robberies in 1883, 239-40; 
revolt in 1891, 246-49; outbreak in 
1894, 251 ; in 1903, 258-59 

Mihiragula, King of Wala, 40 

" Mirat-i-Sikandari," cited 80, 81, 83 

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash plunders Nawan- 
agar, 108-10 

Mirza Isa Tar Khan, 116 

Mirza Khalil Khan, son of Begarah, 86 

Mirza Khan, march against Amin Khan, 
105-6 ; made Viceroy in Gujarat, 106 ; 
and the sons of Chandrfisinhji, 112 

Missionaries, Buddhist, 13 

Mitiala, 169, 198, 201, 207 

Modji of Dhrol, 151-52 

Modpur, 149, 191 

Moghal Governors of Gujarat, 96-97 ; 
disappearance of Moghal power in 
Western India, 104 

" Moksal," fine imposed on Bhavnagar, 

Mokheraji, capture of Gogha, 73 

Momin Khan Viceroy in Gujarat, 127-28, 

Monasteries, Buddhist, 55 


Monoglosson (Mangrol), 3-4 

Monpur, 78, 171, 208, 209 

Moon worship, 59-60, 61 

Morarji, son of Amarji, 161-62 

Morji, Jadeja, of Malia, 141 

Morvi, 49, 95, 100, 108, 197, 256 ; Kathi 

attack on, 151 ; Colonel Walker at, 

179-80 ; earthquake havoc, 197 ; Thakor 

of, 232, 235 : statue of Lord Beay at, 

" Motap," 186-87 
Motha, village of, 209 
Moti Dharai, 172 
Motiram Buch, rebellion of, 196 
Movar Sandhwani of Malia, outlaw, 239-41, 

Mubarik, Jamadar, 219 
Muda, Jam, 99 
Mukand Rao, 164 
Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa, 143-44, 

155, 160, 163 
Muktasinha, Ra, 74 
Mulavasara, tank at, 27 
Mul-Dwarka, town of, 5 
Muli, 87, 88, 90 

Mul^iri Army, the, 181, 184, 185, 188 
Mulraj, founder of the Solanki dynasty, 

Multan, 61 

Mulu Manik, 211, 216, 219-20 
Mula Wala, son of Ala Khuman, 168-69, 

Murtaza, Sheikh of Mangrol, 155 
Mustapha, 96 

Mutilation, a case of, 222-23 
Mutiny, Wagher rising daring the, 215 
Muzafar Khan, Nawab, 132, 133 
Muzafar Khan, Sultan, attack on Saurash- 

tra, 74—75 ; proclaims his independence, 

75, 103 ; privilege of coining money 

granted by, 115 
Muzafar Shah, founder of Muzafarabad, 

Muzafar Shah II, son of Begarah, 90, 93 
Muzafar Shah III, misfortunes of, 103-111, 

Muzafarabad, 187 

Naqab Bbahmaks ov Junagadh, fined 

by the Nawab, 162 ; ability of, 236 
Nagar Desais of Wasawad, 164 
Nagar Parkar in Sind, 66 
Nagar Thatha (Saminagar), 54, 99 
Nagarjana Jethwa, 49 
Nagars, Visalnagar, 236^37 
Nagdhaniba, village of, 206 
Nagher, 256 
Nagher River, 71 
Nagnah Bandar (Nawanagar), 100 
Nahapana, Emperor, 28, 29 
Naik Haji Sajan, 248 


Naiu Bibi, 213-14 
Nakshatra, the, 27 
•« Nal," the, 5 
Nanda, Jamadar, 210 
Nandivelo HUl, the, 208 
Nandkunvarba, Rani Saheb, 250, 263 
Nanji Khawas, 137 
Narbada River, 10, 40 
Narpat, 99 

Nareinhji, son of Wajesinhji, 208 
Nasik, inscriptions at, 26 
Nathaka, Supra, of Manasgotra, 27 
Nathu Manik, depredations of, 231-32 
Natwarsinhji, minority, 261 
Nauroz Khan, 108, 109, 110, 210 
Navi Bandar, 3, 184 , , ^ 

Nawanagar, 49, 66, 95, 108; plundered 
by iBrza Aziz Kokaltash, 109-11 ; 
tribute exacted by Azam Khan, 115; 
renamed •' Islamnagar," 118 ; rule of Jam 
Tamachi, 119; threats of Rao Godji, 
149; besieged, 1797, 155; attack by 
Fateh Mahomed, 156 ; Colonel Walker 
at, 181 ; settlement of, 184-85 ; fall of, 
1812, 191 ; salute for the Jam of, 221 ; 
the new waterworks opened, 1876, 232 ; 
the mint at, 232 ; visit of Sir Richard 
Temple, 234; offer of troops from, 
246; railways of, 262; visit of Sir 
George Clarke, 262 
Nazar Ali Khan Babi, 120 
"Nazarana," 113, 115 
Nearchos, 9 

Nepal, visit of Asoka, 12 
Nesri, village of, 198, 207 
Nishada country, 26 
Noehan I, Ra, died 1098, 58-59, 65 
Noghan II, Ra, died 1098, 65, 68, 69 
Noghan III, Ra, 69 
Noghan IV, Ra, 72 
Noghanji, eon of Kandhoji, 113, 114, 

Northoote, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 

Nur Mahamad Khalil, 97-98 
Nur-ud-din, Governor of Talaja, 166 
Nnr-ud-din, Nawab of Cambay, 1771, 

relations with the British Government, 

Nutt, Colonel H. L., 232, 243 

Oqhad Wala, 206, 207 

Okha,48, 51 ,^„ ^„ 

Okhamandal, outlaws of, 27, 142-43, 

210-11, 215-20, 231-32, 266 
Ollivant, Mr., 245 
Ollivant, Sir Charles, 260 
Opium, rules to regulate sale of, 253-54 
Ormuz, 92 
Oudh, 10 
Outlaws, classes of, 210 

revolt of the 

the Asoka 

" Outlaws of Kathiawad," translation, 

quoted, 219-20, 231-32, 249 
Oxford University, 250 

Pahlava, son of Kulaipa, 26 

Palanswa, fort of, 144 

Palasina River, 24, 36 

Palitana, 256, 257 ; attacked by Wakhat- 
sinhji, 174 ; outlaws of, 205-6 ; plunder 
of the Shrawak temples, 207 ; railways 
from, 262 ; floods, 264 ; importance of, 

Palitana, holy hill of, 2, 3, 7, 72, 70 

Palumavi II, 30 
Panchal, 71 
Panchpipla, 146, 150 
Pandawa brothers, the, 67 
Pandya, 13 
Parakara, country, 25 
Pardhari, 128, 149, 161 

Arabs, 196-97 
Pardhari, battle of, 152-53 
Pamadatta, mentioned on 

Stone, 32, 34-36 
Parr, Colonel, 235 
Patau, 7, 51-52, 190 ; Anhilwad Patau m 

Gujarat, 61 ; called Sompur, 60 
Patdi, 66, 79 
Pathabhai, 173 

Patiala, meeting of chiefs at, 245 
Patliputra, 10, 22 ; life in, 302-298 B.C., 
11 ; Asoka crowned at, 12 ; the capital, 
15; erection of the fortress, 30; Hunnish 
attack in 465, 37 
Patna, 175 
Pavar, 67 

PeUe, Mr. J. B., 229, 232 
Percival, Mr, E. H., 223, 234 
Persian Gulf, trade, 265 
Petlad jaU, 258 

Peyton, Captain W. J., 252, 265 
Philostorgius, Greek historian, cited, 89 
Phula, Jam, 99 

Physicians, Royal College of, 250 
Pilaji Gaekwad, 123 
Pingli, village of, 177 
Pipal tree, the, 7 

Pipawaw, visit of Prince Albert Victor, 244 
Piplia, vUlage of, 194 
Piprali, village of, 205 
Piram Island, 5, 16, 48 
Pitenihen, 16 

Plague in Kathiawad, 1813, 193 
" Political Agent," title of, changed, 256 
Poona, Peshwa of, 138 ; revenue of, 131, 
132; treaty with the British Govern- 
ment, 1802, 176, 188-89 
Popat Velji, 231 

Porbandar, 3, 4, 7, 27, 49, 50, 256 ; Mers 
of, 53; the Jethwas at, 122; head- 
quarters of Rana Sultanji, 169 ; ravaged 


U: J,. j..4>uiywpip|iiiii||r 


■ !, 1- 

by Kalian Sheth, 163 ; Makranis revolt, 

181-82; tribute due from, 182-83; 

placed under British protection, 190 ; 

earthquake havoc, 197 ; salute for 

Rana of, 221 ; villages pillaged, 231 ; 

railway from, 244 ; area, 257 ; joint 

administration in 1907, 261 ; riots in 

1912, 263-64 
Porbandar Cement Company, 263 
Portugese Settlements in India, 88-91 ; 

opposition of Bahadur Shah, 94-95; 

settlement at Diu Island, 94-99, 187 
Positra, 142-43, 150, 210 
Prabhas Patan, 4, 7, 51 ; Chaoras of, 

56-57 ; temple of Somnath at, sacked 

by li^ihmud, 59-65 ; plundered by 

Jalesari, 71 ; under Ra Khengar IV, 72 ; 

under the Musalmans, 76 
Frabhashankar, a Nagar Brahman, 146 
Pragji, son of Bhawan Khawas, 157 
Pragmalji, Jam of Kachh, 100 
Prajapati, the god, 60 
Prakrit language, 12 
" Prants," divisions of the peninsula, 256 
Pratapsinhji, Jhalwa of Halwad, 124, 125 
Prathiraj, son of Chandrasinhji, 66, 112 ; 

sons of, 112-13 
Prathiraj, son of Bana Haloji, 190 
Prathirajji, 116-17 
Priyadarsin, King, 13-21 
Property, Kathi laws concerning, 186-87 
Ptolemy cited, 3, 53 
Punja Manik, 219 
Punjab, the, Graeco-Bactrian Kingdom, 

9 ; Kathi occupation, 67-68 
Puranas, the, cited, 6, 21, 123 
Purvadesa, 25 
Pushpawati, Queen, 52 
Pushyagupta Syena, Governor of Saurash- 

tra, 11 
Pushyamittra, King, 22 

Qxjm, Mb, H. O., 260 


Rabaris tribe, the, 48, 64, 141 

Races, the original, of Kathiawad, 6 

Radhanpur, 107, 126 

Raghunath Rao, 138 

Raghunathji, son of Amarji, 142, 152, 
153 ; and Meraman, 154-56 ; Dewan 
of Junagadh, 158 ; overtures of the 
Nawab, 159 ; imprisoned, 161 ; at Nawa- 
nagar, 162 ; appeal of Hamed Khan to, 
163 ; refuses help to Gaekwad of Baroda, 
163-64 ; Kutiana mortgaged to, 165 ; 
and Vithal Rao, 183-84 ; re-appointed 
Dewan, 190-91 ; resigns Dewanship, 
192 ; sends Ranchodji to help Jasaji, 
192 ; party of, 193 ; sends help to 


Bahadur, 194 ; treachery of Sundarj! 
Shavji towards, 197 

Ragoji, 66 

Rahmat Khan, 158 

Railways in Kathiawad, 237, 244, 252, 253, 

Raimalji Gohel, 172 

Raisinha Ra, 69 

Raisinhji Jam, succession of, 118, 122, 124 

Raisinhji Jhala of Dhrangadhra, 67, 125, 

Raisinhji Jhala, son of Mansinhji, 102, 103, 

Raivataka, the, 35 

" Raja," title of, 233, 234 

Rajasthanik Court, 230-31, 235, 254 

Rajkot, the administrative capital of 
Kathiawad, 2, 3, 100, 179, 216, 256; 
Sordar district, 152 ; tribute paid by, 
165; settlement of, 184; British 
agency established 1820, 197-98 ; Raj- 
kumar College built at, 222, 238; 
administration, 224; Darbars at, 224, 
232, 233, 245, 255, 259 ; railways from, 
244, 252; the Lang Library, 248; 
escape of Juma Gand from the jail, 
251 ; Rasul Khanji Hospital, 253 ; 
visit of Lord Sandhurst, 253 ; funeral 
of Major Camegy, 260 ; importance of, 

Rajkumar College at Rajkot, 222, 224-27, 
232, 235, 238, 251, 253; mounted 
squadron of boys of, 260-61 

Rajodharji Jhala, 87-88 

Rajoji Jhala, flight, 113 

Rajpipla, 106, 107 

Rajput chiefs, 2, 48 ; titles used by, 234 

Rajputana, Mers of, 63 

Rajala, under Wakhatsinhji, 167-68 ; 
fall of, 174, 175 

Ramji, treachery of, 78 

" Rana," title of, 233, 234 

Ranawao, 163, 211 

Ranawaw quarries, 263 

Ranchhodji, son of Amarji, 147, 156 ; 
Battle of Agatrai, 160 ; rebellion against 
the Nawab, 160-61 ; defeat of Mad- 
havrai, 162 ; defeats Kalien Sheth, 163 ; 
captures Amreli, 164; gives help to 
Jasaji, 192 ; sends help to Bahadur, 194 

Rang Mahal palace at Junagadh, 161, 193 

Rani, the first to cross the sea, 250 

Ranik Devi, death of, 69 

Ranjitsinhji, Jadeja, Jam of Nawanagar, 
250-51, 261; at Delhi Darbar, 1911, 
262 ; in France, 264 ; as a ruler, 266 

Ranmalji, Jam, of Nawanagar, 117-18, 
198, 221 

Ranmalji of Khirasara, 151-52 

Ranmalsinhji of Dhrangadhra, 221 

Ranoji Jhala, 87-88, 94 



Banpor, 49, 72, 133; the Gohel's rights 
in, 183 ; tribute remitted, 194 ; claim 
of the Mamlatdar, 212 ; joridiction of, 
222 ; bandits, 258 

Bashtrika, 16 

Baspadara, 27 

Basul Khanji, Nawab of Janagadh, 259, 
261, 262 

Basul Khanji Hospital, Bajkot, 253 

Batanji chief at Sihor, 124 

Bathods, the, 53, 71 

Batnaditya, King, 51 

Batnaji Bai, 124-26 

" Bawal," title of, 233, 234 

Bawal Hala, Jam, 99-100 

Bawal Takhatsinhji, of Shavnagar, 233 

" Bawat," title of, 233, 234 

Bayadhanji Ba«.> of Kachh, 152, 155 

Beay, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 244, 255 

Bendall, Mr. H. D., 262 

Bevaji, 100 

Bewashankar, Dewan of the Nawab, 184 

Bewat, King of Saurashtra, 6 

Bewati, daughter of King Bewat, 7 

Bejmolds, Major, 218 

Biots at Porbandar, 1912, 263-64 

Bohini constellation, 60 

Boyal Society, the, 250 

Boza Kuli, deputy to the Viceroy, 122 

Budo, a Babari, 211 

Budra Baja Mahakshatrapa Bhadramukha 
Swami, 27 

Eudrabhuti, 27 

Budradama, Baja Kshatrapa Swami, 27 

Budradama Baja Mahakshatrapa, 27 

Budradaman, grandson of Chastana, 
Viceroy, 30 

Budradaman, son of Jayadaman, 28 

Budradaman, Swami, 28 

Budrasena Baja Mahakshatrapa Bhadra- 
mukh Swami, 27 

Budrasena Baja Mahakshatrapa Swami, 27 

Budrasena, son of Budrasinha, 28 

Budrasena, son of Viradaman, 28 

Budrasena, Swami, son of Swami Budra- 
daman, 28 

Budrasena, Swami, son of Swami Sin- 
hasena, 28 

Budrasinha, King, attacked by Chandra 
Gupta II and killed, 31 

Budrasinha, son of Budradaman, 28 

Budrasinha, Swami, son of Swami Satya- 
sinha, 28 

Bukmini, 7 

Bupde, Kathi woman, 68, 186 

Bupoji Sindhia, 157, 184 

Sadashiv Bamchandea, 132 

Sadul Khasia of Monpur, plunder by, 207 ; 
escape of, from Kundia, 208-9 ; retire- 
ment, 209-10 

Sagara, 46 

Saheb, Thakor, 234 

Saheba Sultan Bibi, 132, 133, 138 

Sahebji, Jadeja, 103 

Sahebzada Bahadur Elhanji, 232 

Saidpur, village of, 86 

Sajoji, Jhala, 87-88 

Saka rulers of Saurashtra, 29, 31 

Sakas, nomad tribe, 23 

Sakastene, see Seistan 

Sakhayats, 68 ; marriage customs, 186 

Sakhur Makrani, 219 

Sakuni, King of Gandhara, 67 

Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi, Moghal 

Commander in Gujarat, 124-25 ; account 

of, 126-27 
Saldi, 170 

Salim, Jamadar, 194 
Salmin, Jamadar, 136, 142 
Sahnon, Captain, 231, 241 
Salt manufacture, regulation of, 243 
Salutes, conferment of, 221 
Salutes for chiefs, scale of, laid down, 233 
Samadhiala, 206 

Samarkhandi, Madmud, the Mullah, 84 
Samas tribe, the, 54, 99 
Samat Khuman, Kathi chieftain, 116 
Samatkhanji, K. S., 229 
Samatsinha, King, 51, 56 
Sami-Minjpur, 132, 133 
Saminagar (now Nagar Thatha), 54 
Samudra Gupta, 31 
Sandha, Jam, 99 
Sankara, devotees of, 43, 44, 45 
Sandhurst, Lord, tour of, 253 
Sandrocotus, King of the Prasii, see 

Chandra Gupta 
Sanghadaman, son of Budrasinha, 28 
Sangram, son of Bhawan Khawas, 157 
Sangram IQiawas, defeat of, 196-97 
Sangan Wadhel of Dwarka, 79 
Sanghji Baizadah, Jagirdar of Chorwad, 

Sanka, Bana, of Chitor, 93 
Sankhodhar, attack by Mahomed Begarah, 

Santhali, town of, 151 
Saranji Gohel, taken as hostage to Ahma- 

dabad, 78 
Saraostos, see Saurashtra 
Saras (a hunter), 7 

Sarbuland Khan, Umbariz-ul-Mulk, 124-26 
Sardar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath, 118, 120 
Sardar Mahomed, son of Sher E^an, 129 
Sardar district of Bajkot, 152 
Sarel, Major G. B. M., 264 
Sataji, brother of Jam Jasaji, 100, 154 ; 

appeal for British help, 178, 180, 191, 

196-97 ; succeeds his brother Jasaji, 

193, 196 ; death, 198 
Satakami, Lord of Dakshinapatha, 25 




Satarsal, Jam, of Nawanagar, 105-109 ; 
flight to the Barda Hills, lOft-10 ; the 
battle of Buchar Mori, 113—14 ; privilege 
of coining money granted to, 115 

Satarsalji .Hiala, 116 ; revolt of, 75-76 

Satchidanand, Saraswati Swami, name 
given to Mr. Gawrishankar, 236 

Sati (fetish of), 69 

Satraps, the, see Kshatrapas 

Satyaputra, 13 

Satyasinha, Swami, 28 

Saudhmittra, daughter of Asoka, 13 

Saukara, devotion to, 39 

Saurashtra, ancient name of Kathiawad, 
4 ; city of, capital of the province, 4 ; 
ejrtent, 6 ; descent of Alexander, 9-10 ; 
under Chandra Gupta, 11 ; conquest 
by Menander, 22 ; Saka rulers, 23, 29 ; 
rule of Rudradaman, 30 ; end of the 
Gupta rule, 31 ; the Walabhi dynasty, 
37-38 ; Arab invasion of, 40, 41 ; 
early inhabitants of, 48 ; the Chaoras, 
51 ; settlement of the Kathis, 67 ; 
invasion by Alaf Khan, 71 ; settlement 
of the Gohel Rajputs, 71-72 ; rule of 
the Ras, 72-74 ; Mahomedan incursions, 
1394, 74, 75, 76, 77 ; tribute paid to 
Ahmad Shah, 78 ; conquest by Mahomed 
Begarah, 80-84 ; name changed to 
Sorath, 84 ; ports of, 88 ; establish- 
ment of the Jadeja Rajputs, 99-100 ; 
decline of the Moghal rule, 131 ; name 
changed to Kathiawad, 133 

Saurastrene, Greek name for Kathiawad, 1 

Savama Sinata River, 24 

Sayad Ahmad Gilani, 121-22 

Sayad Kasim, 108, 109, 110 

Sayad Mahomed Shah, 120 

Sayad AIwi-bin-Edrus Jamadar, honours 
for, 217, 218, 219 

Sayla, 67, 129 

Scott, Colonel, 231, 235, 242 

Scythians, the, 49, 50 

Sedarda, 171 

Seistan, the Saka dynssty, 23 

Sejaki, ruler of the Gohels, 71-72 

Sejakpur, 72 

Servants, paid State, 221 

Sewa Wadhal, 110, 210 

Shahbaz, Khan, 126 

Shahjio, son of Malik Bakhan, 94 

Shahpur, granted to Sejaki, 71 

Shahrwadi, Khan, Governor of Sorath, 120 

Shankar, city of, 62 

Shankardas, a Nagar Brahman, 112 

Shankhodhar Island, 210 

Shapur-Bantwa Railway, 262 

Shatrunji River, 3, 138, 206, 256 

Shatrunjaya Hill, temples plundered, 207 

Shavji, Shah, 155 

Shekhpat, 118 


Sher Khan Babi, son of Bahadur Khan, 

Sher Khan Babi, son of Salabat, Deputy 
Governor of Sorath, 127-28 ; assumes 
title of " Bahadur Khan," 129-30 ; 
death, 132 ; sons, 140 

Sher Zaman, Khan, of Bantwa, 139 

Sheshabhai Jhala, son of Raisinhji Jhala, 
67, 129 ; at Sayla, 131 

Shewakram, Bhawanishankar, 200 

Shial (or Jackal) Island, 5 

Shil Bagasra, 84, 139 

Shil Kumar Jethwa, 50 

Shiladitya VII of Walabhi, 52, 72 

Shiva, worship of, 60 

Shivram Kamedan, 164 ; Meraman asks 
his help, 156 ; the battle of Loliana, 

Shiyal Island, taken by the Portugese, 
48, 101 ; the prison on, 57-58 

Shortt, Captain, 213 

Shramans, 17, 18 

Shrawak temples, plunder of, 207 

Shrawana, the Nakshatra, 27 

Shrinagar, village of, 4, 50 ; Jethwas of, 49 

Shujat Khan, Viceroy, 120 

Siao Ching, 41 

Siddha Raj Jaisinha, 64, 65, 68, 69, 70 

Sidi Hilal of Surat, 187-88 

Sidi Nawab of Janjira, 187 

Sidis, the, 187 

Sihor, 39, 72, 113 ; Kathi attacks, 171-74 ; 
advance of Babaji Apaji on, 176-77 ; 
railways, 262 ; Maratha attacks on, 

Sihor range of hills, 2 

Sikandar Shah, 90 

Sikandra Bagh, near Agra, 111 

Sikatavilasini River, 35 

Siladitya, King of Kanya Kubja, 41 

Siladitya, King of Malwa, 41 

Siladitya I-VII, 39 

Silveira, Dom Antonio da, 100-101 

Sind, 59 ; Mahomedan influx into, 53 ; 
Taghan's flight to, 73 

Siudh Sauvira, 25 

Sinhapura, Brahmans of, 39 

Sinhasena, Swami, 28 

Skanda Gupta, 32, 33, 37, 40 

Skandhabhatta, 46 

Sladen, Mr. J., 263 

Sodana, 231 

Sohrab Khan, 127 

Solankis, the, 56, 70, 236 

Somnath, temple of, 51-52, 56-57 ; 
destruction of, 69-63 ; the present 
temple, 63-64 ; plundered by Jalesari, 
71 ; restored by Khengar IV, 72 ; re- 
duced by Muzafar Khan, 74 ; pilgrims, 
79 ; visit of Lord Curzon, 255 

Songadb, 256, 258 


" Sorath," 1 

Sorath, division of Kathiawad, 2, 256 ; 
establishment of Musalman rule, 86 ; 
allotted to Tatar Khan, 105 ; invasion 
by Kokaltash, 109-111 ; under Azam 
Khan, 115 ; states included in, 266 ; 
area, 266-57 

Souter, Mr. W. L. B., 247, 251-52 

South African War, use of the Imperial 
Service troops, 245 

Sowar Ramchandar, 247-48 

Sthiramati, the, 42 

Stow, Captain, 216 

Strabo cited, 22 

Strong, Major H. S., 264 

" Stupas," 41 

Sudama Puri, 7, 123 

Sudarsana Lake, the, 11, 20 ; bursting of 
the, record, 23-36 

Suleman Pasha, 100 

Sultanji Jhala, 66, 113, 116-17 

Sultanji Rana of Chhaya, 123, 140, 175 ; 
and Amarji, 146-47 ; the Bethali 
Affair, 160 ; defeat by the Nawab, 
15&-60 ; and Mangalji, 162 ; deposed, 
165, 183 

Sun, temple of the, Shrinagar, 50 

Sun worship, 52, 68 

Sundara Lake (Sudarsana), 36 

Sundarji Shavji, 192-93, 197, 203 

Sunga dynasty, the, 22 

Sunjar Khan, see Alaf Khan 

" Surashtra," 25, 26 

Surat, 137 ; sack of, 101 ; trade of, 124 

Surmaya, King of Egypt, 20 

Surya, devotees of, 44 

Susa, 10 

Sutrapada annexed to Junagadh, 142 ; 
taken back by the Nawab, 168 ; restora- 
tion, 160 ; Wagher outlaws at, 215 

Suvisakha, Minister, 26 

S'vabhra, 25 

Syamotika, 28 

Sydenham, Lord, 263 

Syria, Buddhism in, 13 

Taghan, Rebeixion op, 73 

Taghlak Khan, Governor of Morvi, 82, 

Tahir, Sheikh, 146 
Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar, minority of, 

223; first pupil of Eajkumar, 229; 

gift to Bajkumar College, 235 ; honours 

for, 238, 243, 245-46, 250 ; death, 252 
Talaja, stronghold of, 138, 140-41 ; 

refused by Akherajji, 166; pillage of, 

Talbot, Captain J., 255 
Talukdari Girassia School at Wadhwan, 

Talukdars, 216 

Tamachi, Jam, at Nawanagar, 119; suc- 
cession of, 124-25 ; refuses to x'^y 
tribute, 128, 129 ; assassination of, 149 

Tambe, Rao Bahadur, A. S., 261 

Tamraparni, the, 14 

Tana, 206 ; Kathi march on, 171-72 

Tatar Khan, first Thanadar of Sorath, 86 

Tatar Khan Ghori, Sorath allotted to, 105 

Tatar Khan of Gujarat, 75 

Taxes imposed on Sorath, 111 

Temple, Sir Richard, visit to Kathiawad, 
1877, 234 

"Thakor," title of, 233, 234 

Thar, 67, 120, 185, 246 

Thanadars, office of, 84, 257 

Thana-Devli, 263 

Thanesar, Raja of, 40 

Thatha, 73 

Theophilus, the Indian, 89 

Thoban of Poona, 144 

Timana, 206 

Timbdi, village of, 194 

Timur, capture of Delhi, 74-75 

Tirhut in North India, rule of the Lichavis, 

Titles, Indian, 233-34 

Tobar Hill, 218, 219 

Toramana, Hun ruler of Malwa, 40 

Touche, Captain Charles La, 217, 218, 219 

Trahuda, village of, 125 

Tudor-Owen, Mr. W., 263 

Tulsishyam, holy hill, 3, 7 

Tungabhadra River, 47-48 

Tupaspa, a superintendent, 24 

Turks, blockade of Diu, 100 

Ujjaik, 11, 13, 28 

Umar Jamadar Mukhasam, 193-94 

Umeta, 69 

Umrala district, 172 

Una, 146, 163, 208 

Unad, Jam, 99 

Unadji Gohel, of Palitana, opposition to 
Wakhatsinhji, 171-72 ; attack on Sihor, 
173-74 ; peace with Wakhatsinhji, 177 

Und-Sarveya, 256 

Uparkot Citadel, 27, 55, 82, 83; seized 
by Wasant Rai, 130 ; Mahabat Khan 
confined in, 132 ; seized by the Arabs, 

Upleta, town of, 100, 107, 133, 141, 146, 
197, 203 

Urjayatachala, the, 36 

Urjayata Hill, 24, 35 

Vacharaja, Parmar Rajput, 89 
Vadnagar, 236 
Vahapalikasthali, 45 
Vai Sya, Pushyagupta, 24 
Vaishradeva, the, 45 
Valajal, village of, 247 












Vanijaka, 27 

Varuna, 34 

Vasawad, Nagars of, 236 

Vassal States, contribution by, 113 

Vedas, ruling of the, 19 

Velawadar, 114 

Velji, Mr. Popat, made Rao Bahadur, 231, 

Veniraja, 89 

Verawal, 4, 5, 7, 111, 138, 158 ; captured 
by Rana Sultanji, 159 ; ravages of 
Marathas, 161 ; visit of Prince Albert 
Victor, 244 ; visit of Lord Elitchener, 
261 ; visit of Lord Sydenham, 263 

Vibhoji, son of Jam Sataji, conquest of 
Rajkot, 100 

Vibhoji, Jam, of Nawanagar, punishment 
of recalcitrant levies, 219 ; reforms 
under, 221 ; the mint at Nawanagar, 

232 ; salute for, 233 ; death, 252 
Victor, Prince Albert, visit to Kathiawad, 

Victoria, Queen, " Empress of India," 

232; Jubilee, 1887, 244; Diamond 

JubUee, 1897, 253 
Vijayasena, son of Damasena, 28 
Vijpuri, village of, 207 
Vikmatji, Rana, capture of Mangrol, 130 ; 

mutilation by, 223 : flag presented to, 

233 ; deposed, 243-44 ; death, 255 
Vilivayahura II, 29-30 

Vincent, Dr., cited, 3 

Vira Khuman, son of Ala Elhuman, 168 

Vira Wala, 170 

Viradaman, son of Damasena, 28 

Viramdeva Parmar, Rajput chief, 

prisoners of, 57—58 
Viramgam, 94, 108, 126, 256 
Virji, servant to Naju Bibi, 213—14 
Visaldev Chohan, 236 
Visalnagar, Nagars of, 236—37 
Visawadar, 203 
Vishakha, a priest, 43 
Vishnu, temples to, 32, 36 
Vishwarah, 55 

Vishwasena, son of Bhartradaman, 28 
Vishwasinha, son of Rudrasena, 28 
Visoji Gohel, 171 ; capture of Sihor, 113 
Vithal Rao, Dewan of Baroda, 192 ; and 

Raghunathyi, 183-84 ; party of, 193 
Vithalrai Himatram Dave, Rao Bahadur, 


Wad ALA, 217 

Wadasinor (Balasinor), 126, 129, 197, 203 

Waddington, Mr., 260 

Wadhwan, 66, 69, 113, 256, 260; Darbar 

held at, 221 ; railways of, 237, 260 ; 

the Talukdari Girassia School, 238 ; 

visit of Lord Sandhurst, 253 ; area, 257 ; 

importance of, 266 


Wadwa, village of, 124 

Wagad, territory of Kachh, 144 

Wageswari gate of Uparkot, 136 

Waghers outlaws, activities of the, 154, 
210-11, 214-20 

Waghi, Sir, of Morvi, 262 

Waghji, Jadeja, of Morvi, 144, 229, 233, 
235, 243-44, 253, 259, 266 

Waghoji Jhala, rebellion of, 86-87 

Waghnagar, Zamindar of, 166-68 

Wajesinhji Gohel succeeds Wakhatsinhji 
in Bhavnagar, 195 ; discovery of, 199— 
200 ; pursuit of the Kathis, 1825, 205-6 ; 
terms with the Kathis, 206-7; fines 
Sadul Elhasia, 207; pursuit of Sadul 
Khasia, 208-9 ; death, 212 

Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan, 151, 170-71, 

Wajsur Khuman of Bhamodra, 207-8 

Wakaner, 117, 246, 266 

Wakhatsinhji, Gohel of Bhavnagar, 137, 
138, 152 ; and Morarji, 161-62 ; as ruler 
of Bhavnagar, 166-68 ; affairs in 
Kundla, 16^71 ; rout of the Kathis 
170-72 ; Battle of Loliana, 172-74 
fighting with Hamed KJian, 174-75 
propitiates the Kathis, 175-76 ; friend 
ship with the British Government, 176 
repulse of Babaji Apaji, 176-77 ; rights 
reserved to, 194 ; death, 194-96 
reputation of, 265 

Wakhatsinhji of Limbdi, 229 

Wala, 6, 38, 39, 52, 256; copper plate 
inscriptions at, 38-39 ; Grohels of, 72, 

Wala, son of Werawal, 68 

Wala Kathis, the, 170 

Wala Khimoji, Grovemor of Talaja, 167 

Wala Namori, Miana outlaw, 24ft-49 

Wala Rajput, descendant of Werawal, 186 

Wala Ram, 54-55 

Wala tribe, the, 48, 52 

Wala Uga, of Talaja, 57-58 

Wala Vajsur Valera, 261 

Walabhi, account of, by Stanislas Julien, 
41-42 ; downfall of, 42-46 

Walabhi dynasty, the, 6, 38—40 ; grants 
of land by, methods of giving, 9 ; names 
of the Kings, 38-39 

Walhabinagar, city of, 37-38 

Walak, 256 

Walardi, village of, 200 

Wales, Prince of, visit to India, 260-61 

Walker, Colonel, advent in Saurashtra, 
164-165; entryinto Kathiawad, 177-81, 
185 ; advance against Kandoma, 182— 
83 ; settlement of Bhavnagar, 183-89, 
236 ; effect of his administration, 
197-98 ; destruction of Positra, 210 

Wamansthali, see Wanthali 

Wanani Girassias, the, 172 




Wanchurda, village of, 219 

Wanda, 199 

Wankaner, 66, 113, 256; railway from, 

Wanraj, Chaora Eong, 51 

Wanthali, 4, 37 ; the Chudasama dynasty, 
54-57 ; captured by Dula Eaj, 58 ; 
Chudasama capital removed from, 68 ; 
capture by Jagatsinha, 72 ; recovered 
by Mahipal, 74 ; capital of the Ras, 
74r-75 ; attack of Ahmad Shah, 76-77 ; 
Maratha attack on, 130 ; taken by 
Amarji, 143^44 ; Arab defence of, 158, 
159 ; seized by Madhavxai, 162 ; be- 
sieged by Babaji Apaji, 164 ; escape 
of the Nawab Mahabat Khan to, 214 ; 
army headquarters at, 217 

Waral, Battle of, 175 ; attack by Sadul 
Khasia, 208 

Wasai invested by Baroda troops, 215 

Wasan, son of Devaiyat, 59 

AVasant Rai, 130 

Wasjur Khachar of Jasdan, 176 

Watson, Colonel, 57, 234-35, 243 

Wazir Khan appointed to subjugate 

Sorath, 105 
Werawal, story of, 68 
West, Colonel, 243 

Widha Mamk, outlaw, exploits of, 211, 215 
Wikamshi Wala of Jetpur, 200 
Wilson, Captain, expedition in 1824, 204 
Wirsinha, King, 51 
Wisal, Minister of Ra Mandlik, 81, 82 
Wodehouse, Captain, 231 
Wodehouse, Sir Phillip, Governor of 

Bombay, visit to Kathiawad, 232 
Wriket, King, 52 

Xavibb, St. Francis, 101 

Yadhisthira, 67 

Yasodaman, son of Damasena, 28 

Yawan, 15, 20, 24 

Yograj, King, 51 

Yuehchi tribe, 23 

Yule, Colonel, cited, 3-5 

Zenana Influence, 222 

Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co. Ltd 

At the Ballantyne Press 

London and Edinburgh 


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London : WP Heinemann. 

StanlVnds ffeoaraphEsinJi-^London,. 




Date Due 

■AY 1 6 It^ 

Remington Rand 

nc. Cat. no. 1139. 



3 9002 02960 2084 




The hlatory of KfttMawad from tba 
^'^'-'^ earliest timea. 

fillierforce-Bell, Harold 




Pg» t 7 ' ■yn 


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